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Here's the second in Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair's series as they describe Hillary Clinton's years in Little Rock and her narrow escape from federal charges that would have destroyed her political career for ever. PLUS KEVIN ALEXANDER GRAY on how Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama and John Edwards are failing Black America even as they hunt for votes in So uth Carolina's "Black Primary." Get your copy today by subscribing online or calling 1-800-840-3683 Remember contributions to CounterPunch are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now
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Today's Stories August 14, 2007 Paul
de Rooij August 13, 2007 Jeremy
Scahill F.
William Engdahl Alexander
Cockburn Kathy
Kelly Chris
Floyd Paul
Craig Roberts William
Blum Kenneth
Couesbouc Rannie
Amiri Brenda
Norrell Fran
Shor Ron
Jacobs Website
of the Day
August 11 / 12, 2007 Alexander
Cockburn Stan
Goff Ralph
Nader Vijay
Prashad Greg
Moses Alan
Farago Patrick
Cockburn Ben
Tripp Robert
Fantina John
Ross Seth
Sandronsky Paul
Krassner Website
of the Weekend
August 10, 2007 Paul
Craig Roberts Stan
Goff Marjorie
Cohn Saul
Landau Chris
Floyd Daniel
Ellsberg Anthony
Papa Farzana
Versey Sgt.
Kevin Benderman Nuri
Nuri Website
of the Day
August 9, 2007 Stan
Goff Paul
Craig Roberts Alan
Farago William
S. Lind Doug
Giebel Harvey
Wasserman Jacob
Hill Raul
Zibechi Dave
Zirin Website
of the Day
August 8, 2007 Andy
Worthington Jeff
Halper Greg
Moses Nurit
Peled-Elhanan Sukant
Chandan Robert
Fisk George
H. Strauss D.K.
Wilson Bill
Day Tim
Campbell Website
of the Day
August 7, 2007 Patrick
Cockburn Andy
Worthington Kathy
Kelly Stan
Cox Sonja
Karkar Sen.
Russ Feingold Alan
Farago Norman
Solomon Binoy
Kampmark Dave
Lindorff John
Stauber Website
of the Day August 6, 2007 Bill
Quigley Kathy
Rentenbach Uri
Avnery Col.
Dan Smith Ralph
Nader James
Neshewat D.K.
Wilson Greg
Moses Fidel
Castro Mike
Whitney
August 4 / 5, 2007 Alexander
Cockburn Peter
Linebaugh Saul
Landau Alan
Farago Dave
Zirin Barucha
Calamity Peller Anthony
DiMaggio Dave
Lindorff Fred
Gardner Nicola
Nasser Benjamin
Dangl Rannie
Amiri Daniel
Gross Sherwood
Ross Manuel
Garcia, Jr Missy
Beattie Ron
Jacobs Website
of the Weekend
August 3, 2007 Gabriel
Matthew Schivone Jonathan
Cook Patrick
Cockburn Little
Steven Van Zandt Christopher
Brauchli D.
K. Wilson Linda
Ford and Ira Glunts Kelly
Overton Monica
Benderman Manuel
Garcia, Jr. Website
of the Day
August 2, 2007 Paul
Craig Roberts Stanley Heller Eric
Ruder Robert
Fantina Alan
Farago Chris
Floyd Franklin
Lamb Sen.
Russ Feingold Anthony
Papa Norman
Solomon Website
of the Day
August 1, 2007 Debbie Nathan Fred
Gardner Gary
Leupp David
Rosen Winston
Warfield Daniel
McBride Glen
Ford Thomas
P. Healy John
V. Whitbeck David
Krieger Website
of the Day
July 31, 2007 Kathy
Kelly Clancy Sigal Paul Krassner Joe
DeRaymond Diane
Christian Chris
Floyd Ramzy
Baroud Alan
Farago Fidel
Castro Dan
Bacher
July 30, 2007 Marjorie Cohn: Independent Counsel Time Patrick Cockburn Peter Quinn Uri Avnery John Ross Ron
Jacobs David
Vest Jeffrey
St. Clair Website
of the Day
July 28 / 29, 2007 Alexander
Cockburn Ralph
Nader Robert
Fantina Fred
Gardner
July 27, 2007 John
Ross Arthur
Neslen Dave
Lindorff Julene
Blair Christopher
Brauchli Jesse
Hagopian Charles
Modiano Bill
Day Walter
Brasch M.D.
Mitchell Website
of the Day
July 26, 2007 Kathleen
Christison Andy
Worthington Clancy
Chassay Marjorie
Cohn Susie
Day David
Price Marie
Trigona Norman
Solomon William
S. Lind Natsu
Saito John
Stauber Website
of the Day
July 25, 2007 Andy
Worthington Gary
Leupp Ray
McGovern Dr.
Susan Block Joshua
Frank Tina
Richards Ben
Terrall Farzana
Versey Mohammad
Ali Salih Laura
Carlsen Ron
Jacobs Sunsara
Taylor Website
of the Day
Saul
Landau Kathy
Kelly Russell
Mokhiber M.
Shahid Alam Patrick
Cockburn and Anne Penketh Dave
Lindorff Binoy
Kampmark Richard
Neville Cindy
Sheehan Evelyn
Pringle Norman
Solomon CP
Newswire Website
of the Day
July 23, 2007 Andy
Worthington Uri
Avnery Patrick
Cockburn Sousan
Hammad John
Walsh Harvey
Wasserman Martha
Rosenberg Collin Baber
Reza
Fiyouzat Stephen
Lendman Website
of the Day
July 21 / 22, 2007 Alexander
Cockburn Werther Ralph
Nader David
Keen Fred
Gardner Gary
Leupp Robert
Fantina Saker Rannie
Amiri Mike
Whitney Dr.
Susan Rosenthal, MD Monica
Benderman Dan
Bacher Michael
Baney Missy
Beattie Ron
Jacobs Adam
Engel Thomas
Naylor Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
July 20, 2007 Eliza
Szabo Pam
Martens Alan
Farago Harvey
Wasserman Marjorie
Cohn Dave
Zirin Anthony
DiMaggio Scott
Liebertz Linn
Washington, Jr. Bill
Piper / Anthony Papa Ramzy
Baroud Website
of the Day
July 19, 2007 Patrick
Cockburn Remi
Kanazi Winslow
T. Wheeler Sharon
Smith Dave
Lindorff Conn
Hallinan D.
K. Wilson Joshua
Frank Norman
Solomon Russell
Hoffman Ray
McGovern Website
of the Day July 18, 2007 Brenda
Norrell Col.
Dan Smith Martha
Rosenberg Conn
Hallinan Binoy
Kampmark Patrick
Bond / Tom
Johnson Paul
Craig Roberts Bob
Quellos Felice
Pace Robert
Weissman CP
Newswire Website
of the Day
July 17, 2007 Patrick
Cockburn Marjorie
Cohn Evelyn
Pringle David
Rosen Susan
Miller Franklin
Lamb Don
Monkerud Harvey
Wasserman Russell
Hoffman Dave
Lindorff Dave
Zirin Website
of the Day
July 16, 2007 Gary
Leupp Ellen
Cantarow Paul
Craig Roberts Allan
J. Lichtman Dan
Bacher Patrick
Cockburn Manuel
Garcia, Jr. James
Brooks Liaquat
Ali Khan Julie
Flint Website
of the Day
July 14 / 15. 2007 Alexander
Cockburn Andy
Worthington Ralph
Nader Robert
Fantina Ron
Jacobs Joshua
Frank Conn
Hallinan Dr.
Susan Rosenthal, MD John
Ross Fred
Gardner Rannie
Amiri Charles
Modiano Anthony
DiMaggio China
Hand Missy
Comley Beattie Dr.
James J. Murtagh, Jr. Kenneth
Rexroth Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
July 13, 2007 Patrick
Cockburn Winslow
T. Wheeler Imran
Khan Todd
Chretien Sam
Husseini Dr.
Herman Mindshaftgap Anthony
Papa D.
K. Wilson David
Michael Green Website
of the Day
July 12, 2007 Paul
Craig Roberts Robert Jensen Dr. Susan Block Joshua Frank John Chuckman Corporate Crime
Reporter Mike Whitney Nicola Nasser Richard Rhames William S.
Lind Website of the Day
July 11, 2007 Patrick
Cockburn Richard
Neville Debra
McNutt John
V. Walsh Scott
Liebertz George
C. Wilson James
McEnteer Philip
Rizk Johnny
Hazard Dave
Lindorff Website
of the Day
July 10, 2007 James
Ridgeway Tariq
Ali Javed
Hussein William
Blum Ralph
Nader Jay
Arena Anthony
DiMaggio Eva
Liddell Jerry
Kroth Alice
Woodward Nikolas
Kozloff Paul
Shannon Website
of the Day
July 9, 2007 Fidel
Castro Diana
Johnstone John
Walsh Uri
Avnery Ramzy
Baroud John
Ripton Stephen
Lendman Bruce
Jackson Michael
Donnelly Doug
Giebel Website
of the Day
Saul
Landau Ismael
Hossein-zadeh Fawzia
Afzal-Khan John
Ross Pat
Williams Rannie
Amiri Farzana
Versey Bart
Gruzalski Paul
Rockwell Reza
Fiyouzat Monica
Benderman Kenneth
Couesbouc Dave
Lindorff Charles
Modiano Missy
Beattie Dal
LaMagna Jean
Gerard Anne
Dachel Ron
Jacobs Poets'
Basement Website
of the Day
Daniel
Ellsberg Gary
Leupp Harvey
Wasserman Omer
Subhani Marjorie
Cohn Christopher
Brauchli David
Michael Green China
Hand Renee
Saucedo Corporate
Crime Reporter Website
of the Day
July 5, 2007 Andy
Worthington Mike
Stark Norman
Solomon Michael
Schwartz Susie
Day Jacob
Hornberger Bill
Hatch Don
Fitz John
Wright Website
of the Day
July 4, 2007 St.
Clair / Frank Vijay
Prashad Carl
G. Estabrook Ron
Jacobs David
R. Dow Claudia
Johnson William
S. Lind Gregory
Afghani Paul
Edwards D.
K. Wilson Niranjan
Ramakrishnan Thomas
Jefferson Cindy
Sheehan Website
of the Day
Bill
Quigley Gary
Leupp Lynda
Brayer Richard
Thieme Helen
Redmond David
Swanson Jacob
Hornberger Ayesha
Ijaz Khan Franklin
Lamb Ray
McGovern Kevin
Zeese Dave
Lindorff Website
of the Day
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August 14, 2007 From Scotland to CaracasThe Politics of Democracy PromotionBy MUHAMMAD IDREES AHMAD The temperature on the night bus from Caracas to Mérida is uncomfortably low. Venezuelans relish the opportunity to escape the tropical heat by snuggling under their blankets during these long distance journeys. On this occasion however the atmosphere is warm with the enthusiasm exuded by some of our fellow passengers. Clad in red t-shirts bearing the symbols of Movimiento Quinta Republica (The Fifth Republic Movement)--Hugo Chavez's political umbrella--they are still ebullient with the energy of the day's events. The young boy on the adjacent seat seems keen to talk; his grandmother sitting next to him more focused on catching a wink of sleep. He tells me he is returning from the launch rally of Chavez's presidential campaign which he had come along with his grandmother to attend. I had seen the rally earlier in the day. The scale was impressive and the enthusiasm infectious--the kind that is reserved only for celebrity events in Europe and America, or, more recently, for antiwar rallies (The only Euro-American politician to achieve anything close was Ralph Nader with his super-rallies in 2000--and he didn't win). Here, the spirit is one of confidence and possibility. These people have come from all corners of the country, feeling that they are agents of their country's destiny. They come because it matters. They come because they matter. The May 2007 elections in Scotland were similarly charged with expectation, even if despair more than hope drove the desire for change. Disillusionment with the status quo was widespread. While the Scottish Left had collapsed under the combined weight of media hostility and its own myopia, the disillusionment only increased the likelihood of a Scottish Nationalist Party (SNP) victory. For its opposition to the war, opposition to the Trident boondoggle, calls for subsidized education, and its pro-independence agenda, the party was well placed to rake in the votes from the remnants of the Scottish Left on top of its traditional, more conservative, nationalist constituency. The possibility of a party outside the Tory-Labour consensus winning power on the British mainland seemed real. In a democracy as old as Britain's one would have expected such plurality to be welcomed. Except it wasn't, and the electorate showed little of the verve of the Venezuelan voter. Imagine this scenario: In the upcoming Venezuelan elections polls show the main opposition party with a clear lead; each one of the country's large circulation newspapers is editorially hostile to the opposition, producing a barrage of propaganda which culminates in alarmist front page stories on election day; newspapers carry explicit instructions on voting for the ruling party; the president personally intervenes in various constituencies to dissuade citizens from voting against his party; the ballot design is confusing, and invariably favours the governing party and 7 percent of all votes cast are spoilt as a result; the governing party wins seats no one expected it to, and when in one instance the result is challenged, the recount brings victory for the opposition; the electronic counting machines, it transpires, are provided by a company with links to former leaders of the ruling party. International election monitors declare the electoral process a disgrace. Were this to transpire in Venezuela--or for that matter any country with policies at odds with Washington and her allies--the international media (read Anglo-American media) would be up in arms. There would be widespread condemnation of the process; rivers of ink would spill forth on the deficiencies of the country's democratic tradition; expert-commentators would expatiate on the flaws in its citizens' character. In the event, none of this came to pass because the country in question was not Venezuela, but Scotland and the protests of a feeble few soon dropped off the column inches and airwaves of Britain's docile media. Even by 'Third World' standards, the elections were a farce. Preceded by months of tabloid propaganda verging on the defamatory, the establishment resorted to its time-tested strategy of wholesale scaremongering. Support for the SNP was gradually eroded through months of hostile coverage exaggerating the costs of independence and the proposed replacement for the hated community charge. However, by election day support for SNP, though diminished, was still widespread enough to lead major tabloids to attempt one final act of sabotage: Sun, Daily Mail, and Daily Record--three rags with circulations exceeding those of all the rest combined--synchronized their attacks on their front pages; one depicting the SNP symbol as a noose, another calling party leader Alex Salmond 'the man who wants to destroy Great Britain', and the third sporting a sinister image of Salmond. While it is nearly impossible to find a Scottish voter who publicly professes support for Labour, and while early forecasts had predicted a Labour rout, its curiously narrow defeat understandably surprised many. One could attribute this to New Labour's successful use of scare tactics--and the 'money and muscle poured into key seats to fend off the SNP', as Michel White of the Guardian put it--but the deeply flawed electoral process suggests it may have taken more than scary headlines to diminish the scale of its defeat. Against expert advice the Labour-controlled Scottish executive chose to hold both local council and national elections on the same day. In the ensuing chaos, there were the technical problems of the electronic counting machines, organizational problems of the electoral ballots not delivered on time in sufficient quantities, and the design problems of a ballot with two different voting systems on a single sheet. While it is acknowledged that nearly 140,000 votes--almost 7 percent of the total cast--were spoilt, it has yet to be confirmed if there are any discernible trends (other than the fact that the vote rejection invariably disadvantaged smaller parties). As the Guardian reported, in Edinburgh Central, "Labour's deputy environment minister, Sarah Boyack, held her seat with a majority of 1,193 but there were 1,501 rejected papers. In Glasgow Baillieston, the rejected total of 1,850 was more than 10 per cent of the votes accepted, and most constituencies saw at least 1,000 papers rejected - 10 times the norm." On the rare occasion where a result was challenged, it once again transpired that the 'irregularity' favored the ruling party, casting further doubts over the transparency of the process. If it weren't for a timely intervention by an SNP candidate--David Thompson of Highlands and Islands--which led to a recount reversing the result handing the seat to a Labour candidate, Blairites would still be in power. The commission's excuse for the blunder did little to alleviate concern. The computer file was 'misread' by 'exhausted vote counters', it claimed. Further questions are raised by the fact that Neil Kinnock, the former Labour leader, sits as a non-Executive Director on the board of DRS, the firm providing the electronic vote counting machines at the middle of this controversy. Despite expressing dissatisfaction with the process earlier on, SNP seems to have been sufficiently mollified by its victory to show any discernable vigor in the pursuit of an independent inquiry. While an independent commission was instituted for a review into the electoral fiasco headed by former UN observer Ron Gould, its findings will only become public in August. Given the history of official whitewashes in Britain, it would be wise not to expect much from the process. The time assigned the inquiry itself suggests a lack of urgency. What is remarkable however is the complete absence of media interest in the matter. Taking its cue from the media, the public remains equally indifferent. A greater cause for concern is the absence of any international outcry. The NGOs--which have assumed today the role played by Christian missionaries during the period of European colonization--remain completely silent, even though the elections were slammed by international observers. According to the Observer,
Europe and US hold other nations to standards that they themselves do not feel obliged to abide by. Venezuela has long been the target of myriad 'democracy promotion' programs; its opposition funded through various shady NGOs, some with links to the US State Department. With 'democracy' in the West being synonymous with the ratification of a ruling elite every four years, Venezuela's participatory model, however flawed, is deemed a 'threat of a good example' (to use an old State Department phrase first used in relation to the Sandanista government in Nicaragua) best kept at bay. So it is with some amusement that one watches representatives from countries where people still get excluded from the democratic process based on race and class (as they frequently are in the US) preach democratic empowerment to citizens of a country where every election has been ratified by respected international monitors, such as the Carter Centre. In the wake of the Church Commission inquiry in the '70s that exposed the CIA's role in many overthrows and assassinations of democratically elected governments and leaders, the US government instituted a less obtrusive apparatus for destabilizing governments deemed unfriendly to US interests, primarily relying on NGOs funded by the State Department. National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and USAID, the best known of these, have a long pedigree of subversion in Latin America and in Venezuela they have been funnelling funds to trade unions and other opposition groups in the guise of 'empowering' democratic institutions. A Freedom of Information request last year revealed that USAID has siphoned millions of dollars to the Venezuelan opposition through its Office of Transition Initiatives. These included grants of '$47,459 for a "democratic leadership campaign"; $37,614 for citizen meetings to discuss a "shared vision" for society; and one of $56,124 to analyse Venezuela's new constitution.' What USAID claims is merely an innocuous part of Bush's 'Freedom Agenda', is referred to by the US think tank Council on Hemispheric Affairs as 'diplomatic warfare', whereas the Venezuelan-American lawyer Eva Golinger calls it an attempt at 'regime change'. The recent ruckus over the closing down of Venezuela's RCTV raises many similar questions; the notion of 'free speech' was bandied about by many critics. In the West, 'free speech', like 'democracy', carries a narrow definition which focuses on the particularity of its institutional practice, rather than its universal meaning. It did not matter that the coup that RCTV supported was undermining the free expression of the millions who had voted for Chavez; 'free speech' was only invoked when a media institution that had helped suppress the voice of the multitudes by drowning it out in its relentless misleading coverage of the coup had its license not renewed. The defense of free speech in other words is merely the defense of the privileges of a media corporation--including that to lie--even if it impinges on the free expression of the public at large. To be sure, institutions are entitled to free speech just as much as individuals. However, this freedom is not license for them to use their unique powers to subvert public interest. The media should be allowed full leeway to speak truth to power; but should it turn into an instrument of power (a foreign one, no less) undermining democracy, the public must retain the right to impeach. As an accessory to a foreign power in its attempt to overthrow their elected government, Venezuelans are well within their rights to demand RCTV to be discipline. The question then is not of 'free speech', but of the level of public support for the government's action. For International NGOs--several deriving funds from the most unsavoury of sources--'free speech' figured as the single most important issue in their condemnations with the issue being stripped of its political context. Perhaps understandably, as some of the more vocal ones--Inter American Press Association (IAPA), Reporters Without Borders (RWB), Article 19--either have a history of association with the CIA (IAPA), or are funded by the State Department and the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office through NED and the Westminster Foundation for Democracy (RWB, Article 19)--all entities invested in the earlier failed coup. If free speech were really the issue, their energies would be better spent fighting threats to it closer home, such as the muzzling of media on Iraq; the Hutton Inquiry; or the gagging of the press through the Official Secrets Act (as in the case of the Mirror, which was muzzled after publishing contents of a memo revealing Bush confiding his wish to bomb Al Jazeera's offices in Qatar to Tony Blair. The bus snakes languidly up the Andean foothills as the first rays of the sun fall on the sleeping valley. As we roll into Mérida the haze clears with the early morning sun highlighting features of the rugged terrain that forms the backdrop to the splendor of the city's colonial architecture. The monotony of the pastel walls is only broken by the exuberant hues of a mural celebrating the people's struggle, and another offering solidarity to the people of Lebanon and Palestine resisting the latest Israeli assault. As we settle down for breakfast in the centre of this university town--in clear view of the ubiquitous statue of Simone Bolivar--I notice a frail old man standing in the corner with expectant eyes. Before I can get up, one student has placed money in his hand, and another bought him food. It is a welcome relief from the callousness I had witnessed in some of the more affluent quarters of Caracas, where a Thatcherite worldview still prevails. Individual acts of generosity aside, poverty is still rife and despite the government's encouragement for the citizens to form their own cooperatives which are then be funded by the state, the bloated bureaucracy still impedes progress. Remnants of the ancien régime while accommodating themselves to the new political reality, are merely biding time, and have little interest in the country's progress. 'The problem with the Fifth Republic is that its administration is still reliant on the political apparatus from the fourth republic', the co-founder of Clase Media Revolucionarios observes. 'The idea has taken off, but the system has yet to catch up'. Back in Scotland one only hopes ideas would some day catch up with a runaway system. Muhammad Idrees Ahmad is a researcher at Spinwatch. His
regular commentaries appear on The Fanonite.
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