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Today's Stories May 5, 2008 Conn Hallinan May 3 / 4, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Nikolas Kozloff Diane Farsetta Tariq Ali Harry Browne Wajahat Ali David Yearsley Greg Moses William Blum Robert Fantina Fred Gardner Dave Lindorff Seth Sandronsky Binoy Kampmark Howard Lisnoff Daniel Cassidy Bill Moyers Jeffrey St. Clair Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend
May 2, 2008 Andrew Cockburn David Isenberg Vijay Prashad William Blum David Macaray Rannie Amiri William James Martin Stephanie Westbrook Linn Washington, Jr. Anthony Papa Website of the Day
May 1, 2008 Michael Hudson Behzad Yaghmaian Wajahat Ali Dedrick Muhammad Cynthia McKinney Corporate Crime Reporter Manuel Garcia, Jr. Reza Fiyouzat Leigh Saavedra Tom Semioli Website of the Day
April 30, 2008 William P. O'Connor Bob Fitrakis / Tariq Ali John Ross Glen Ford Joshua Frank Ashley Smith Robert Weissman Sen. Russ Feingold Website of the Day
April 29, 2008 Uri Avnery Roedad Khan Chris Floyd Paul Craig Roberts Dave Lindorff Mats Svensson Peter Morici Mike Ferner John Weisheit Amit Srivastava Website of the Day April 28, 2008 JoAnn Wypijewski Mike Whitney Iris Keltz Steve Niva David Macaray John Ross Stephen Lendman Malou Innocent Christopher Brauchli William Kaufman Website of the Day April 26 / 27, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Ralph Nader Peter Camejo Harvey Wasserman Franklin Lamb Wajahat Ali Mike Whitney Andrew Wimmer David Yearsley Greg Moses Ron Jacobs Robert Fantina Missy Comley Beattie Linn Cohen-Cole Paul Krassner Jeffrey St. Clair Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend April 25, 2008 George Ciccariello-Maher Dave Lindorff Franklin Lamb Alan Farago John W. Farley Kathleen M. Barry Mohammed Alireza Nick Dearden Carmelo Ruiz Marrero Bruce Springsteen Website of the Day
April 24, 2008 Linn Washington, Jr. Franklin Lamb Jennifer Van Bergen Joanne Mariner Mark Engler Dave Lindorff John Blair De Clarke / Stan Goff Binoy Kampmark Philippe Marlière Peter Morici Website of the Day
Cockburn / St. Clair Vijay Prashad Paul Craig Roberts Stephen Soldz Laura Santina John Stauber / Dave Lindorff George Ciccariello-Maher Ralph Nader John Weisheit Website of the Day April 22, 2008 David Isenberg Stan Cox David Macaray Jeff Birkenstein Mike Whitney Nikolas Kozloff Floyd Rudmin Carlos Villarreal Ray McGovern Michael Gould-Wartofsky Robert Ovetz Pat Wolff Website of the Day
Bill Quigley Uri Avnery Dave Lindorff Wajahat Ali Andy Worthington Robert Jensen Ron Jacobs Dan Bacher Harvey Wasserman Danny Alexander Website of the Day April 19 / 20, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Patrick Cockburn Wajahat Ali Andrew Wimmer Rev. William E. Alberts David Rosen Robert Fantina Ramzy Baroud Saul Landau Dr. Susan Block David Yearsley Phyllis Pollack Jeffrey St. Clair Poets' Basement April 18, 2008 John Ross Dave Lindorff Dan Glazebrook Carl Finamore Rannie Amiri Richard Morse Ko Young-dae Farooq Sulehria
April 17, 2008 Michael Hudson Robert Bryce Kathy Kelly Madis Senner Peter Morici Ron Jacobs William S. Lind James Murren Ben Terrall Walter Brasch Website of the Day
April 16, 2008 Bill Kauffman Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz Saul Landau Peter Morici Eric Toussaint / Jeff Ballinger David Macaray Gary Leupp Richard Morse George Ciccariello-Maher Dave Lindorff Website of
the Day
April 15, 2008 Ralph Nader Uri Avnery Brian Cloughley David Price Joe Bageant Steve Early Mats Svensson Michael Donnelly April Howard / Laray Polk Charles Modiano Website of
the Day
April 14, 2008 Carl Finamore Michael Hudson M. Shahid Alam Patrick Cockburn Paul Craig Roberts Joanne Mariner Martha Rosenberg Dave Lindorff P. Sainath John V. Whitbeck Website of the Day
April 12 / 13, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Patrick Cockburn Mike Whitney David Yearsley Robert Fantina Conn Hallinan Bill Hatch Ramzy Baroud George S. Hishmeh Ron Jacobs Nikolas Kozloff Charles Thomson Alexander Billet Missy Beattie David Michael Green Seth Sandronsky Prairie Miller Jeffrey St.
Clair Poets' Basement Website of
the Weekend
April 11, 2008 Nikolas Kozloff Wajahat Ali Sharon Smith Yigal Bronner
/ Neve Gordon Alan Farago Dave Lindorff George Wuerthner Christopher
Brauchli Website of the Day
April 10, 2008 Mathieu Vernerey Elizabeth Schulte David Macaray Ashley Smith Peter Morici Jacob Hornberger Harold Austin Website of the Day
April 9, 2008 Paul Craig
Roberts Winslow T.
Wheeler C. Hand Paul Krassner Paul Wolf Wajahat Ali Karyn Strickler Dan La Botz Eric Walberg Robin Millenthal Website of the Day April 8, 2008 Mike Whitney Nikolas Kozloff Greg Moses Joshua Frank John Ross Michael Donnelly John V. Walsh Jeff Nygaard Bill Piper Sen. Russ Feingold Website of the Day
April 7, 2008 Ishmael Reed Harry Browne
Uri Avnery Lenni Brenner Ayesha Ijaz Khan Robert Fisk Edwin Krales Chris Genovali Website of the Day
April 5 / 6, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Ramzy Baroud Ralph Nader David Yearsley Saul Landau Paul Craig
Roberts Lawrence Korb / Ian Moss Seth Sandronsky John Ross Robert Fantina David Michael Green Missy Beattie Patrick Bond Dr. Susan Block Phyllis Pollack Adam Engel Jeffrey St. Clair Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend
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May 5, 2008
Israel at 60Crusader AnxietyBy URI AVNERY EVERY TIME I hear the voice of David Ben-Gurion uttering the words "Therefore we are gathered here…" I think of Issar Barsky, a charming youngster, the little brother of a girl-friend of mine. The last time we met was in front of the dining hall of Kibbutz Hulda, on Friday, May 14, 1948. In the coming night my company was to attack al-Qubab, an Arab village on the road to Jerusalem, east of Ramle. We were busy with preparations. I was cleaning my Czech-made rifle, when somebody came and told us that Ben-Gurion was just making a speech about the founding of the state. Frankly, none of us was very interested in speeches by politicians in Tel Aviv. The city seemed so far away. The state, we knew, was here with us. If the Arabs were to win, there would be no state and no us. If we won, there would be a state. We were young and self-confident, and did not doubt for a moment that we would win. But there was one detail that I was really curious about: what was the new state to be called? Judea? Zion? The Jewish State? So I hastened to the dining hall. Ben-Gurion's unmistakable voice was blaring from the radio. When he reached the words "…namely the State of Israel" I had had enough and left. Outside I came across Issar. He was in another company, which was to attack another village that night. I told him about the name of the state and said "take care of yourself!" Some days later he was killed. So I remember him as he was then: a boy of 19, a smiling, tall Sabra full of joie de vivre and innocence. * * * THE CLOSER we come to the grandiose 60th anniversary festivities, the more I am troubled by the question: if Issar were to open his eyes and see us, still a boy of 19, what would he think of the state that was officially established on that day? He would see a state that has developed beyond his wildest dreams. From a small community of 635,000 souls (more than 6000 of whom would die with him in that war) we have grown to more than seven million. The two great miracles we have wrought - the revival of the Hebrew language and the institution of Israeli democracy - continue to be a reality. Our economy is strong and in some fields - such a hi-tech - we are in the world super-league. Issar would be excited and proud. But he would also feel that something had gone wrong in our society. The Kibbutz where we put up our little bivouac tents that day has become an economic enterprise, like any other. The social solidarity, of which we were so proud, has collapsed. Masses of adults and children live below the poverty line, old people, the sick and the unemployed are left to fend for themselves. The gap between rich and poor is one of the widest in the developed world. And our society, that once raised the banner of equality and justice, just clucks its collective tongue and moves on to other matters. Most of all he would be shocked to discover that the brutal war, which killed him and wounded me, together with thousands of others, is still going on at full blast. It determines the entire life of the nation. It fills the first pages of the newspapers and heads the news bulletins. That our army, the army that really was "we", has become something quite different, an army whose main occupation us to oppress another people. * * * THAT NIGHT we indeed attacked al-Qubab. When we entered the village, it was already deserted. I broke into one of the homes. The pot was still warm, food was on the table. On one of the shelves I found some photos: a man who had obviously just combed his hair, a village woman, two small children. I still have them with me. I assume that the village which was attacked by Issar that night presented a similar picture. The villagers - men, women, children - fled at the last moment, leaving their whole life behind them. There is no escape from the historic fact: Israel's Independence Day and the Palestinians' Naqba (Catastrophe) Day are two sides of the same coin. In 60 years we have not succeeded - and actually have not even tried - to untie this knot by creating another reality. And so the war goes on. * * * WITH THE 60th Independence Day approaching, a committee sat down to choose an emblem for the event. The one they came up with looks like something for Coca Cola or the Eurovision song contest. The real emblem of the state is quite different, and no committee of bureaucrats has had to invent it. It is fixed to the ground and can be seen from afar: The Wall. The Separation Wall. Separation between whom, between what? Apparently between Israeli Kfar Sava and neighboring Palestinian Qalqiliyah, between Modi'in Illit and Bil'in. Between the State of Israel (and some more grabbed land) and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. But in reality, between two worlds. In the fevered imagination of those who believe in the "clash of civilizations", whether George Bush or Osama Bin-Laden - the Wall is the border between the two titans of history, Western civilization and Islamic civilization, two mortal enemies fighting a war of Gog and Magog. Our Wall has become the front-line between these two worlds. The wall is not just a structure of concrete and wire. More than anything else, the wall - like every such wall - is an ideological statement, a declaration of intent, a mental reality. The builders declare that they belong, body and soul, to one camp, the Western one, and that on the other side of the wall there begins the opposing world, the enemy, the masses of Arabs and other Muslims. When was that decided? Who made the decision? How? 102 years ago, Theodor Herzl wrote in his ground-breaking oeuvre, Der Judenstaat, which gave birth to the Zionist movement, a sentence fraught with significance: "For Europe we shall constitute there [in Palestine] a sector of the wall against Asia, we shall serve as the vanguard of culture against barbarism." Thus, in 22 German words, the world-view of Zionism, and our place in it, was laid down. And now, after a delay of four generations, the physical wall is following the path of the mental one. The picture is bright and clear: We are essentially a part of Europe (like North America), a part of culture, which is entirely European. On the other side: Asia, a barbaric continent, empty of culture, including the Muslim and Arab world. One can understand Herzl's world view. He was a man of the 19th century, and he wrote his treatise when white Imperialism was at its zenith. He admired it with all his soul. He endeavored (in vain) to arrange a meeting with Cecil Rhodes, the man who symbolized British colonialism. He approached Joseph Chamberlain, the British Colonial Secretary, who offered him Uganda, then a British colony. At the same time, he also admired the German Kaiser and his so well-ordered Reich, which carried out a horrible genocide in South-West Africa in the year of Herzl's death. Herzl's maxim did not remain an abstract thought. The Zionist movement followed it from the first moment on, and the State of Israel continues to do so to this very day. * * * COULD IT have been different? Could we have become a part of the region? Could we have become a kind of cultural Switzerland, an independent island between East and West, bridging and mediating between the two? One month before the outbreak of the 1948 war, seven months before the State of Israel was officially founded, I published a booklet entitled "War or Peace in the Semitic Region". It began with the words:
The history of this country has seen dozens of invasions. They can be divided into two main categories. There were the invaders who came from the West, such as the Philistines, the Greeks, the Romans, the Crusaders, Napoleon and the British. Such an invasion establishes a bridgehead, and its mental outlook is that of a bridgehead. The region beyond is hostile territory, its inhabitants enemies who have to be oppressed or destroyed. In the end, all of these invaders were expelled. And there were the invaders who came from the East, such as the Emorites, the Assyrians, the Babylonians, the Persians and the Arabs. They conquered the land and became part of it, influenced its culture and were influenced by it, and in the end struck roots. The ancient Israelites were of the second category. Even if there is some doubt about the Exodus from Egypt as described in the Books of Moses, or the Conquest of Canaan as described in the Book of Joshua, it is reasonable to assume that they were tribes that came in from the desert and infiltrated between the fortified Canaanite towns, which they could not conquer, as indeed described in Judges 1. The Zionists, on the other hand, were of the first category. They brought with them the world-view of a bridgehead, a vanguard of Europe. This world-view gave birth to the Wall as a national symbol. It has to be changed entirely. * * * ONE OF our national peculiarities is a form of discussion where all the participants, whether from the Left or from the Right, use the clinching argument: "If we don't do this and this, the state will cease to exist!" Can one imagine such an argument in France, Britain or the USA? This is a symptom of "Crusader" anxiety. Even though the Crusaders stayed in this country for almost 200 years and produced eight generations of "natives", they were never really sure of their continued existence here. I am not worried about the existence of the State of Israel. It will exist as long as states exist. The question is: What kind of state will it be? A state of permanent war, the terror of its neighbors, where violence pervades all spheres of life, where the rich flourish and the poor live in misery; a state that will be deserted by the best of its children? Or a state that lives in peace with its neighbors, to their mutual benefit; a modern society with equal rights for all its citizens and without poverty; a state that invests its resources in science and culture, industry and the environment; where future generations will want to live; a source of pride for all its citizens? That can be our objective for the next 60 years. I think this is what Issar would have wanted, too. Uri Avnery is an Israeli writer and peace activist with Gush Shalom. He is o a contributor to CounterPunch's book The Politics of Anti-Semitism.
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