| April
18 , 2006
Seven Months After Katrina
In the Gaze of New
Orleans
By BEHZAD YAGHMAIAN
"Katrina was the act of God. This was actually a good thing.
There were too many Black people in New Orleans before. Too many
of them. Katrina took care of this. New Orleans will be a better
city in the future. You know, people call this a disaster. Katrina
was not a disaster. Tsunami was a disaster. This was not."
--
a Texan I interviewed in New Orleans.
The
old metal bridge behind us, our teary eyes gazing with awe at the
world outside, occasional sighs breaking the heavy weight of a deadly
silence in the car, we drove at a crawling speed through blocks
of rubble and destroyed homes, rusted bicycles and broken toys,
capsized cars, loose cables and wires, and overturned lamp poles.
A badly damaged truck had found a home in what was once someone's
living room. A mud stained white jacket stood on a coat hanger on
a broken sofa. A large stuffed animal sitting alone on a pile of
rubble momentarily kidnapped me to the imagined laughter of a happy
child holding the animal with affection, speaking to it, telling
it childhood stories.
A
small cat rested on the hood of a rusty truck, gazing under the
afternoon sun. Howling wind rudely entering and leaving people's
homes through the broken doors and windows, picking up dust, plastic
bags, and small pieces of rubble, slamming broken doors and windows.
An unending cycle of deafening wind, silence, occasional sound of
slow running engines, and distant pounding, and silence again—an
unbearable silence telling stories of the dashed dreams and memories
in what was once the Lower Ninth, a predominantly poor and lower
middle class black neighborhood in New Orleans. This was March 20,
2006, seven months after the Lower Ninth was hit by Katrina.
Located
close to the mouth of the Mississippi River, and originally a plantation
area, the Lower Ninth was home to African slaves and poor Irish,
German, and Italian immigrants, the working men and women who unable
to find affordable housing elsewhere, took the risk of living in
an area under the constant threat of flooding. Drainage systems
and canals were built in the twentieth century to protect the area
from flooding, but the Lower Ninth remained poor and underdeveloped
enclave housing impoverished African Americans.
Among
them were retirees, bus drivers and cooks, homeowners, those who
had paid off their loans after many years of arduous labor, manual
laborers, and the poor Black working class. In 2005, nearly 100,000
people, mostly African American lived in the Lower Ninth, nearly
40,000 below the poverty line. Despite their widespread poverty,
the residents built homes, schools, and churches. They practiced
their culture and rituals, produced world famous artists and musicians,
and became an important part of the cultural and political life
of New Orleans, a predominantly African American city in the United
States. Katrina became the last chapter in that history. The population
movement that followed ended the African life in the Lower Ninth
and the predominance of African Americans in New Orleans.
Seven
months after if was devastated by Hurricane Katrina, the Lower Ninth
symbolized the pains, hopes and disappointments, and the frustration
of the men and women that gave New Orleans its unique character.
Once the life and soul of New Orleans, they were now uprooted, displaced
in their country of birth, dispersed in strange places. Many had
lost hope for returning to their old neighborhoods, schools and
hospitals, and all that made the Lower Ninth their beloved home.
Accompanied
by a small group of colleagues, I visited the Lower Ninth and other
devastated areas of New Orleans in March 2006. Strolling in the
deserted streets of the Lower Ninth, I noticed a family from afar.
Old and young, all wearing masks, they stared at a boarded up house,
picked up garbage from the sidewalk, moved back and forth. Approaching
the family I introduced myself to an older man looking in his sixties,
wearing a white T-shirt with a picture of a Harley Davidson bike,
an eagle, and words reading, "Ride with Pride."
A
blue baseball hat covering his gray hair, a salt and pepper mustache
adding to the charm and friendliness of his chubby face, he shook
my hand. Antoine, he introduced himself.
"Sorry to intrude," I said, explaining that I was in the
Lower Ninth to gain a better understanding of life after Katrina.
Excusing
himself, and calling the rest of the family, his wife, daughter,
and grand children, he said, "They will be happy to speak to
you." Smiling kindly and welcoming me to the Lower Ninth, a
woman in her thirties waked towards me. "We will talk to you,"
she said. Standing outside a damaged home, wearing heavy gloves,
and a mask to protect her from dust and diseases, she said, "We
came here today to see what happened to our home. We cannot even
get in. It is all destroyed inside. We are here to pick up a picture,
anything…But everything is destroyed," she said, pausing,
looking at the house again, and turning back to me. "We cannot
even get it," she said again.
Her
first return home, she had driven all night with her parents and
her three children from Arkansas in a car donated by a local church
to collect pieces of memory she left behind when Katrina forced
her out of the Lower Ninth. "We were at the convention center,"
she said. "We were there for a week before they got us out.
We suffered enough there. We were in the convention center when
we heard the explosion. Everybody was sobbing, picking up their
children and running.We
thought they had blown the levees. We did not know where the explosion
came from. We just heard the sound. We just know that there was
an explosion. We were taken to Arkansas after that," she said,
staring at her home, shaking her head, playing with the braids of
her beautiful young girl. "People are very nice in Arkansas.
But that is not home. This is our home. It is hard," she continued.
Her
large almond eyes shining with unending childhood joy, seemingly
unaffected by the destructions surrounding her, the little girl
calmly listened to her mother telling stories to a stranger. Amused
by my presence, she greeted me with her shy smile. Holding her mother's
hands, she curiously listened to my questions and her mother's lament
answers. Pulling out my camera and asking for permission to photograph
her, she stood in front the ruins of her home, staring into the
lens.
Zooming
in on her beautiful braids, her single gold earring, and the innocent
smile on her face, I pressed the shutter release. She remained staring
at my lens. Minutes later, she walked away, skipping, laughing with
her younger brother. The family dispersed and Antoine returned from
the corner. "Have they been helpful to you?" he asked.
And I asked him about his feelings being back in the Lower Ninth.
"I
cannot talk about it too much. I don't know how I am talking to
you right now," he replied with tearful eyes. Pausing, staring
away, he said, "I have been down here all my life. I came here
to the Lower Ninth in the 1950s. I used to drive a bus here, driving
senior citizens around. We had everything. I feel empty now. I have
been trying to keep myself together. I miss my senior citizens."
Embracing and shaking his hand, I left Antoine, waving to the girl
and her brother, jumping up and down and playing amidst the ruins
and the rubble in the neighborhood.
The
destruction of Lower Ninth stole from Antoine his home, his personal
memories, and his past. His silent gaze standing in front of a destroyed
church across from the home of his daughter was a loud cry breaking
the howling wind, the quiet weeping of a bus driver grieving his
shattered memories. It was that same gaze that I found on the face
of Ronald Dorris, a professor of African American Studies at Xavier
Uiversity, in a photograph I took of him in the Lower Ninth. Motionless
and silent, he stood gazing in front of the ruins of a stranger's
car, a displaced person's home. Emotions overcame him when, a few
days later, when I showed him the photo. Touching his face after
a long pause, he gave me a fake smile, a smile to hide his grief.
I asked about the gaze and the grief. His was the sorrow for the
spiritual displacement, the disruption of the African American collective
memory, and the end of a community and its practices that he cherished
all his life.
Katrina
severed the connection between the African Americans and their past.
It erased an important part of American history, a history that
was kept alive through church sponsored festivals, jazz masses and
jazz funerals, concerts and festivals, rituals and cultural practices
that largely centered around the everyday practices and lived experiences
of the African population of New Orleans. Their displacement ended
that long tradition. Katrina affected the American music, and severed
a long history of how jazz and blues were reproduced, conveyed from
generation to generation.
"You
don't learn to play this way in the academy," Ronald Dorris
told me one evening, listening to a fine live jazz performance in
an outdoor café in the French Quarter. Jazz was learned on
the streets, in people's living rooms. It was mastered by listening,
paying attention, and picking up the instruments and playing from
the heart at a very young age.
It
was learned by living jazz, breathing jazz. Katrina and the population
displacement that followed disrupted that tradition. Antoine and
the tens of thousands who left New Orleans were unlikely to return.
Their displacement was permanent, many others feared.
"Evacuees,"
the language used to describe them by the media and government officials,
disguised their status. Like the victims of draught, famine, or
civil war in Ethiopia, Somalia, and elsewhere in Africa, the majority
of those dispersed by Katrina had become internally displaced people,
men and women removed from their places of birth by forces beyond
their control. "They have nothing to come back to. They have
been permanently forced out. The city is not going to rebuild the
Lower Ninth," he said in our last meeting. New Orleans was
to become a White City.
Seven
months after Katrina, no concrete action was taken towards rebuilding
the Lower Ninth. There were no local or federal plans to facilitate
the return of the internally displaced people. While spending billions
of dollars in Iraq, the federal government had yet to dispatch an
army of civil engineers and construction workers to help fix or
rebuild the destroyed homes, restart the schools and hospitals,
and build the infrastructure that would make the return of the "evacuees"
possible. Instead of government paid workers, the Ninth Ward was
crowded with college students from across the country who spent
their spring break in New Orleans to help those devastated by the
hurricane. With bare hands, they removed rubble, selflessly fixed
walls, painted, and worked day and night to compensate for the failures
of their government. The scene of the tired young men and women
in the Ninth Ward was a fresh reminder of the ideals that were still
upheld by many Americans. At the same time, it demonstrated the
neglect and failure, or perhaps the unwillingness to help on the
part of the government of the richest nation in the world.
What
happened after Katrina "was not an evacuation. It was an invasion,"
Ronald Dorris repeated. His view was not uncommon among the African
Americans. The oldest African American city of the country was stolen
from its residents.
Behzad Yaghmaian is a professor of political economy at
Ramapo College of New Jersey. He is the author of Embracing the
Infidel: Stories of Muslim Migrants on the Journey West (Delacorte,
December 2005). He can be reached at behzad.yaghmaian@gmail.com.
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