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Should the Left Cheer the Dollar's Drop? How to make the bankers scream: Robert Pollin, world's best obituarist of Clintonomics, explains it all for you. Do police states make people feel safer? Vicente Navarro on Franco's Spain, Cockburn on Ireland in the Fifties under the Catholic Hierarchy, Alevtina Rea on growing up in Brezhnev-time. Capitalism's true utopia? St Clair on the Pentagon's no-bid arms contracts. How's the press doing in Iraq? Patrick Cockburn tells all to Omar Waraich. Get the answers you're looking for in the latest subscriber-only edition of CounterPunch... CounterPunch Online is read by millions of viewers each month! But remember, we are funded solely by the subscribers to the print edition of CounterPunch. Please support this website by buying a subscription to our newsletter, which contains fresh material you won't find anywhere else, or by making a donation for the online edition. Remember contributions are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now! or write CounterPunch, PO BOX 228, Petrolia, CA 95558 |
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Other Lands Have Dreams: From Baghdad to Pekin Prison by KATHY KELLY  Today's Stories May 7, 2005 Gary
Leupp May 6, 2005 Patrick
Cockburn Erin
Yoshioka Sam
Husseini Dave
Lindorff Kevin
Zeese Joshua
Frank Dan
Bacher P.
Saineth
May 5, 2005 Carles
Mutaner Carl
G. Estabrook Farrah
Hassen Kevin
Zeese Michael
Leonardi Bennett
Ramberg Ray
McGovern Norman
Solomon Nicole
Colson Brian
Concannon, Jr.
May 4, 2005 Colin
Kalmbacher John
Walsh Greg
Moses Ali
Khan Chris
Floyd Linda
S. Heard Dave
Zirin William
S. Lind Gary
Leupp Website
of the Day
May 3, 2005 Dave
Lindorff Brian
Cloughley Ira
Kurzban Seth
Sandronsky Gilad
Atzmon Michael
Donnelly Alex
Sanchez Peter
Linebaugh
May 2, 2005 Ron
Jacobs Stan
Goff Karyn
Strickler Joshua
Frank Kevin
Zeese Vicente
Navarro
April 30 / May 1, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Gabriel
Kolko Jennifer
Loewenstein Lee
Sustar Saul
Landau T.W.
Croft Nikolas
Kozloff William
Blum Dave
Lindorff Joshua
Frank Doug
Giebel Steven
Erlanger Fred
Gardner Mike
Whitney Kurt
Nimmo Joe
DeRaymond Michael
Dickinson Mickey
Z. Justin
Taylor Poets
Basement Website
of the Weekend
April 29, 2005 W.
John Green Luke
Brothers Norman
Solomon M.
Junaid Alam Jackie
Corr Hunter
Greer Sharon
Smith Website
of the Day
April 28, 2005 Omar
Waraich Kevin
Zeese Dave
Lindorff Greg
Moses Toni
Solo Niranjan
Ramakrishnan Werther
April 27, 2005 John
Ross Joshua
Frank Ray
McGovern Mark
Donham Dan
Smith
April 26, 2005 Dave
Lindorff Alevtina
Rea Greg
Moses Joshua
Frank Diana
Johnstone
April 25, 2005 Uri
Avnery Alison
Weir Lee
Sustar Leonardo
Boff Gary
Leupp
April 23 / 24, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Gary
Leupp James
Petras Harry
Browne Fred
Gardner Ron
Jacobs Elizabeth
Schulte Chris
Floyd
April 22, 2005 Saul
Landau Kevin
Zeese Joshua
Frank Mike
Whitney Michael
Flynn Lee
Sustar Website
of the Day
April 21, 2005 Bill
Quigley Dave
Lindorff Jason
Leopold Kathleen
Christison
April 20, 2005 John Ross Kevin Zeese Uri Avnery Website of the Day
April 19, 2005 Jean-Guy Allard Dave Lindorff Neve Gordon Brian Concannon, Jr Murray Hudson Frank B. Ford Monty Python Michael Dickinson Paul Craig
Roberts Website of the Day
Linda Schade
/ Kevin Zeese John Ross Brian McKenna Mike Whitney Patrick Cockburn Dave Zirin Eli Stephens Harry Browne Website of
the Day
April 16 / 17, 2005 Alexander Cockburn Mark Dow Omar Waraich Robert Buzzanco Sherry Wolf Fred Gardner Ron Jacobs Mark Weisbrot John Pardon Yoshie Furuhashi Mike Roselle Ralph Nader Ramzy Baroud Jackson Thoreau Michael Dickinson Richard Neville Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend
April 15, 2005 Brian Cloughley Bill Glahn Mickey Z. Stephanie McMillan Josh Mahan David Russitano Jorge Mariscal Rodolfo "Corky"
Gonzales Tom Reeves
April 14, 2005 Karyn Strickler Pat Williams Jessica Pupovac Joshua Frank Jerzy Mankowski Talli Naumann Antony Loewenstein Virginia Rodino Saul Landau
/ Farrah Hassen Website of the Day
April 13, 2005 Maria Carrión Mike Whitney Terry Jones Dave Lindorff Nathaniel Livingston, Jr. Kurt Nimmo Don Fitz Tom Crumpacker JG Jack McCarthy Kevin Zeese Jeffrey St.
Clair
April 12, 2005 John Wheat
Gibson Kevin Zeese Alan Farago Dave Lindorff Ron Jacobs Nelson P. Valdes Dave Zirin Website of the Day
April 11, 2005 Tom Barry Saul Landau Monique Dols Phil Gasper Mike Whitney Edwin Krales Paul de Rooij Website of the Day
April 9 / 10, 2005 Jeffrey St.
Clair William A. Cook Gary Leupp Alan Maass Laura Carlsen Joe DeRaymond Nikolas Kozloff Dave Lindorff Greg Moses Fred Gardner Justin Smith Ron Jacobs M. Junaid Alam Ira Kay Elizabeth Schulte Jackie Corr Christopher
Brauchli Leslie A. Fiedler Ben Tripp Poets Basement Website of
the Weekend
Hot Stories Alexander Cockburn Subcomandante
Marcos Norman Finkelstein Steve Niva Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams Steve
J.B. Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber Wendell
Berry CounterPunch
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Corrie Gore Vidal Francis Boyle
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Weekend Edition Autumn of the RevolutionaryAnother Look at Daneil Ortega and the Sandinista StruggleBy JOE DeRAYMOND
In 1911, Nicaragua was occupied by a force of United States Marines that invaded to protect United States interests. This was just the next of a series of US "interventions" and invasions of Nicaragua. The marines remained till 1925, then returned again in 1926, to quell a rebellion organized by a Nicaraguan, Augusto C. Sandino, who grew up under this US occupation. His guerrilla forces were never defeated, despite the deployment of 12,000 troops and the use of aerial bombardment. The Marines left Nicaragua in 1933, after the US had trained a Nicaraguan security force, The National Guard. In 1934, Sandino was assassinated by Anastasio Somoza Garcia, a United States-trained officer who was the head of the National Guard, in a treacherous act of betrayal after a negotiated disarmament of Sandino's forces. Hundreds of disarmed Sandinista fighters were slaughtered at this time by the forces of Somoza. This massacre ushered in the brutal 45-year reign of the Somoza dictatorship. Anastasio ruled till 1956, when poet Rigoberto Lopez Perez ended his life with four bullets delivered as the ruler was drinking the night away at a party. His elder son, Luis Somoza Debayle ruled till 1967, when his heart gave out - his brother Anastasio Somoza Debayle took the reins. When he was forced from power in 1979, he owned one fifth of the farmland of Nicaragua, two meat packing plants licensed for export, three of the six sugar mills, 168 factories comprising one quarter of the national output of the nation, the national airlines, a radio and television station, and the Mercedes Benz dealership. He financed his enterprises with his own banks and the national treasury. He had bankrupted a nation for his personal benefit. During the rule of the Somozas, the National Guard quelled dissent with assassination, torture and imprisonment. The United States took the position that this family dictatorship was acceptable because the Somozas were ever-staunch defenders of US interests. "He's a son of a bitch, but he's our son-of-a-bitch", as President Franklin Delano Roosevelt described Anastasio, the father of the dynasty. The Nicaraguan people paid with their lives. In 1961, Carlos Fonseca founded the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) to resist and overthrow the rule of Somoza in the spirit of Sandino. Carlos died in a battle against Somoza's army near Matagalpa in 1976. The FSLN went on to lead a broad uprising against the Somoza government which was successful in 1979. The new government of Nicaragua was a "Sandinista" government. The initial ruling junta was a broad-based group of the resistance to Somoza that included Daniel Ortega, Tomas Borge, Fr. Ernesto Cardenal, Moises Hassan, Violeta Chamorro, and businessman Alfonso Robelo. Violeta was of the aristocracy of Nicaragua, the wife of newspaper publisher Pedro Chamorro. Pedro was a long-time political opponent of Somoza who was assassinated in 1978, presumably by Somoza, and whose murder consolidated the support of even the middle and rich classes of Nicaragua against the mad despot, in support of the revolution. She and Alfonso Robelo could not accept the political program of the Sandinistas and both left the ruling junta in 1980. As Tomás Borge, a Sandinista from the early years, stated with regard to Alfonso, "it must be very difficult for a man worth $21,000,000 to be part of a revolution". Between 1979 and 1984, Nicaraguans organized to create a new society. By 1983, a literacy campaign had dropped illiteracy rates from over 50% to 13%, 184,000 small farmers were given land, and vaccination campaigns and new health clinics had dropped infant mortality and raised life expectancy, leading the World Health Organization to call Nicaragua a "Model Nation in Health Attention". Hope was in the air. War was in the air, also. Reagan unleashed the CIA to generate a war against this nascent government of the people in the form of a "contra" army formed out of the remnants of Somoza's National Guard. They attacked civilian targets throughout Nicaragua beginning in 1981, killing tens of thousands, and causing billions of dollars in economic damage. In 1984, Nicaragua held elections recognized as valid by the international community, but discounted by the United States. Daniel Ortega, a member of the Directorate of the Sandinista Party won the elections with 67% of the vote. He was an eloquent and often fiery speaker against the intervention of the United States. Throughout the 1980's the war and economic embargo of the US continued, sucking the energy out of Nicaraguan society. In the mid-1980's one could feel the pressures of the war taking their toll on the spirit of the people. I participated in the work brigades of these times. In 1983 and 1985, I cut coffee with other internationals and Nicaraguan "volunteers" from the cities, in the hills of the Segovias and in El Crucero near Managua. I felt the difference between these two trips in the enthusiasm of the people for the struggle, and came to the conclusion that the real battle for Nicaragua would occur in the United States, where the fate of the contra war would be decided. The horror of the continued support of the US government for the war against Nicaragua led a group of us to the halls of Congress where we were arrested in 1986 for protesting the appropriation of $100 million to the contras in the face of a World Court judgment declaring this to be an illegal war. A judgment of $17 billion dollars was levied by the Court against the US, and ignored by the US. The United States did not let up the pressure, and prior to the elections of 1990 increased the military and economic war, and at the same time promised the Nicaraguan people an end to their troubles if they would support the US candidate for President of Nicaragua, Violeta Chamorro, formerly of the revolutionary junta. The US poured millions into the Nicaraguan presidential campaign of 1990. Chamorro won, the FSLN lost power and Daniel left the Presidency. It was a difficult time for all those who had been fighting for social and economic justice in Nicaragua. The first act of Chamorro was to absolve the United States of any payment to Nicaragua of the World Court judgment. She then proceeded to borrow money to pay debt, and Nicaragua entered the neoliberal global economy. Since then, corruption has governed Nicaragua, and the Sandinistas have been part of it. As they left power, many simply absconded with government assets, taking what they could while they could in desperation or plain greed. The Chamorro government dismantled the social programs of the Sandinistas, indigenous rights were neglected and the historic project of the Sandinistas to consolidate the Autonomous Regions of the East Coast languished. Under Violeta, Nicaragua became a "heavily indebted poor country" and the gains of the early 80's were replaced with poverty, maquilas and debt. There was hope in 1990 that the FSLN would be able to maintain itself as a true opposition party, would be able to rule from below as a Party of the people. These hopes were dashed by the greed and power trips that splintered the party. The maquila system in the free trade zones was put in place, the market was penetrated by cheap goods from the US, and small farmers were put out of business and forced to leave their land. During the 1990's, Nicaragua's land, resources and people were for sale and many of the leaders of the FSLN took their piece of the action. In 1996, the plunder accelerated with the election of Arnoldo Aleman, who won the Presidency over the FSLN candidate, once again Daniel Ortega. By this time, there was severe disillusion in Nicaragua about the leadership of Ortega. In 1998, Daniel was accused of having committed years of sexual abuse and harassment by his step-daughter, Zoilamerica Narvaez. He denied the allegations, and did not allow a full hearing or investigation of the charges. The FSLN became divided over those who supported (believed) Zoilamerica and those who supported Daniel at any cost. Ortega stood firm, stonewalled, and turned to Aleman for support. They fashioned a "pact" which provided both Aleman and Daniel with constitutional immunity against any criminal charges, and allowed the Aleman project of corruption to continue. After Aleman left office in 2001, his immunity from prosecution was stripped from him, and he was tried and convicted on multiple charges of corrupt practises. It was revealed that he stole over a $100 million while in office. He is currently under house arrest while his political party, the PLC, mounts constant legislative efforts to have him amnestied. Daniel continues to be a member of the National Assembly and has never faced prosecution for the very credible charges of Zoilamerica. The corruption of the Chamorro and Aleman years took a severe toll on the Caribbean coast of Nicaragua. This fascinating and distinct region is rich in gold, timber, fish, lobsters, land. It is the home of the largest remaining rainforest north of the Amazon, which is being plundered as you read. The native Rama, Sumu, Garifuna, and Miskito peoples are being forced off their land by a combination of land theft from the west and theft of their islands, land and fishing rights on the Caribbean coast. The selling of the Pearl Cays over the internet by Peter Tsokos and the attempts (which include the assassination of her husband Francisco Garcia) to prevent Attorney Maria Luisa Acosta from defending the indigenous rights of the people here is a largely unnoticed story which needs to be heard and addressed by the international community. Maria was successful in gaining some justice for the Sumu people, who were remunerated by the government after the Interamerican Court of Human Rights found that Chamorro had illegally sold their timber. This was a groundbreaking case, which resulted in the attempts to intimidate her. The tragedy of this situation
has occurred in the vacuum of conscience that existed in Managua
during the 1990's and continues till today. The FSLN under the
leadership of Daniel was complicit in this plunder.
In 2001, despite challenges within the FSLN, Daniel again was the candidate for President, and this time he lost to Aleman's Vice-President, Enrique Bolaños. Daniel lost despite an overwhelming victory by the FSLN in the municipal elections of 2000. The level of disillusion in the party was increasing. A majority of Nicaraguans considered themselves Sandinistas, but wanted nothing to do with the FSLN. Apathy and cynism spread among many who had devoted their lives to the struggle, first against Somoza, then against the contras, and amidst the war a battle for a better society. Now, they were left with nothing, were bitter, and were looking to reconstruct their own lives in an impoverished nation. In March of this year, the Sandinistas again won the municipal elections in overwhelming fashion. And Daniel, again, is not allowing dissent within the FSLN, and not permitting a primary which could pick a different candidate to represent the Sandinistas of Nicaragua in the Presidential election in 2006. A former mayor of Managua, Herty Lewites, is mounting an opposition campaign, but has been denied a primary vote by the party apparatus controlled by Ortega supporters. Recently, Ortega has actually engineered the removal of Lewites and such Lewites-supporters as victor Hugo Tinoco from the party. Daniel is acting like a political boss, pure and simple. In March, there was a violent confrontation between Ortega and Lewites supporters in Managua, an unprecedented development within the FSLN and an indication that the party is unravelling under the leadership of Ortega. Lewites leads in the polls by a 59% - 31% margin (CID Gallup poll, March 15). Meanwhile, the charges and counter-charges are flying, as Lewites points out that Tomás Borge is negotiating land deals which will net him close to $4 million, and that Rosario Murillo, the wife of Daniel, is buying Mercedes-Benz cars at will. Ortega has labelled Lewites a "Judas" and stated that he will "end up hanged by his own shame." The current struggle within
the FSLN is more than a struggle between Herty Lewites and Daniel
Ortega. It is about a party re-establishing its ability to be
the party of the poor majority, the people most affected by the
brutality of the neo-liberal economic system. Lewites has become
a threat to Ortega not because he has the support of the US,
but because the bases of the FSLN and the majority of people
of Nicaragua want change, and Ortega does not offer it. If Lewites
has the support of the United States Ambassador as Tony Solo
states in his recent Counterpunch article, "Nicaragua on
a Dollar a Day, Forever", I believe it is only because the
Ambassador knows this will hurt Lewites in the eyes of Nicaraguans.
As an FSLN candidate who will carry through with a Sandinista
program, it would be a different story, I believe. We don't yet
know what program Herty Lewites would propose for Nicaragua,
for example, whether he would support or oppose the neo-liberal
policies that have been ruinous for Nicaragua's poor. But he
deserves a chance to present his program to the people in the
type of party primary that the Danielistas have now cancelled. For those interested in keeping track of ongoing events in Nicaragua, see the Nicaragua Network website, www.nicanet.org Joe DeRaymond can be reached at: jderaymond@enter.net
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