Cockburn
/ St. Clair's Scorching New History of a Decade of War
Now Available!

Today's
Stories
June
18, 2004
Norm
Dixon
How Reagan Armed Saddam with Chemical
Weapons
June
16, 2004
Lenni
Brenner
A Question for Kerry Supporters
Davey
D
Hip Hop Reflections on Reagan
Daniel
Wolff
Why Iraqi Detainees Should Sue Michael Moore
Bruce
Jackson
Harry Levin and the Penultimate Manuscript of Finnegans Wake
Patrick
Cockburn
Boom! Boom! Out Go the Lights: Bombings Target Oil and Power
Facilities
Gary
Handschumacher
Mourn Ben Linder, Not His Killer: Reagan's Death Squads
JG
Turning Haiti into One Big Sweatshop
Mario
Benedetti
Obituary with Cheers
Vicente
Navarro
Meet the New Head of the IMF: Who
is Rodrigo Rato?
Website
of the Day
Iraqi Oil Revenue Watch

June
15, 2004
Harry
Browne
Ireland Adds a Brick to Fortress Europe
Neve
Gordon
The Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited
David
Palmer
Richard Armitage, Abu Ghraib and CACI
John
Blair
Lovelock's Misguided Call: Nukes Are No Solution to Global Warming
Dave
Lindorff
God Wins in TKO
Bill
Quigley
Blood-Pouring Peace Activists: State Charges Dropped; Feds Step
In
Patrick
Cockburn
Carbombs and Street Dances: 13 More Killed in Baghdad Blast
John
Chuckman
John Kerry, Political Placebo

June
14, 2004
John
Stanton / Wayne Madsen
Torture, Inc: Oliver North Joins
the Party
Kathy
Kelly
Requiems: What Happens When Compassion Dies?
Bruce
Jackson
Bush Gets Testy About Torture
Lee
Sustar
Strikers Defy Visteon's Company Thugs
Kurt
Nimmo
The Desperate Censors: the Republican Plot to Kill Farhenheit
9/11
Jim
Davis
Hard Right Nativism
Eliot
Katz
Death and War
Uri
Avnery
The Nightmare Comes True
Website
of the Day
Instruments of Statecraft

June 12 / 13, 2004
Peter
Linebaugh
Remembering the Common Hood: Soweto
and Runnymede
Team
CounterPunch
CP's Favorite Albums
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Troy, Now and Then
Gary
Leupp
Not Really a Puppet Government in Iraq?
Brian
Cloughley
US Military in Crisis
Antonio
Ponvert, III
Iraqi Prisoner Abuse: the Connecticut Connection
Ben
Tripp
The Polls Get Stupider
Joe
Bageant
Mash Note to the "Girl with the Leash"
Ron
Jacobs
The Return of the Hip Hop Insurgency
Forrest
Hylton
Object Lessons from the Case of Francisco Cortés
Christopher
Brauchli
Federal Bureau of Errors
Kurt
Nimmo
Going After Qaddafi, Again
Wayne
Madsen
Israel's Slap at Reagan
Anthony
Loewenstein
Al Jazeera Awakens the Arab World
Michael
Donnelly
A Lightship in the Forest: Greenpeace Docks in the Siskiyous
Greg
Moses
Who Will Tell Us More About the Workers of Nasiriyah?
Susan
Davis
Harry Potter & the Prisoner of Azkaban
Joseph
Ramsey
Weather Report: a Review of The Weather Underground
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
The 18th Brumaire in the 21st
Century
Wayne
Saunders
The Gipper, D-Day and the Stanley Cup
Poets'
Basement
Richey, Ford, La Morticella, Albert
Website
of the Weekend
Insurgent Music

June
11, 2004
Alexander
Cockburn
Reagan in Truth and Fiction
Ron
Jacobs
Ray Charles' Legacy of Spirit
Chris
Floyd
Funeral Games
Steven
Sherman
How Reagan Destroyed the Democrats and Paved the Way for Clinton
Mokhiber
/ Weissman
Remembering Reagan
Norman
Solomon
Media's Mourning in America
Paul
Alexander
The Kerry Fantasies of Chalmers Johnson
CounterPunch
Wire
The Terror Hour: Miami TV Station Invites Commandoes to Talk
About Planned Attacks on Cuba
June
10, 2004
Noam
Chomsky
The Apotheosis of Reagan : Divinity
Through Marketing
Gary
Leupp
Bush, the Religious Scholar
Patrick
Cockburn
The Iraqi Street Has Spoken: New
Govt. Made Up of CIA Pawns
Saul
Landau
Force-Feeding Lies About Free Trade
Scott
Evans
Settling for the System: How Punkvoter.com Became Just Another
Tool of the Democrats
Jacob
Levich
John Kerry's World of Hurt: Senator Supports Beam Weapons
Zeynep
Toufe
Reagan, Neo-Cons and the "Intelligence Failures"
Nico
Pitney
Reform at Wal-Mart?
Dave
Zirin
Son of a Reagan: What a Sporty 6-Year Old Saw at the Revolution
Jack
McCarthy
Where Were You When Reagan Croaked?
Gary
Corseri
Nouns That Should be Acronyms
David
Price
Reagan and the Black Budget
Website
of the Day
Inequality by the Numbers

June
9, 2004
Mustafa
Barghouthi
Israel's Common Use of Torture
Must be Exposed
Mike
Whitney
Alan Dershowitz, Still Defending
Torture
John
Chuckman
Why the CIA will Always be a Costly Flop
Jim
Tarbell / Roger Burbach
Bush's Democratic Charade in Iraq
Dave
Lindorff
Put Reagan on the $3 Bill
Miguel
D'Escoto
Reagan was the Butcher of My People
Becky
Burgwin
The Betrayal of Smarty Jones: Flogging a Natural Born Hero
Patrick
Cockburn
The Rich Have Been Warned to Leave
Baghdad
June
8, 2004
Jeffrey
St. Clair
The Nature of Ronald Reagan: Will
the Earth Accept His Corpse?
Dave
Lindorff
The March on Rumsfeld's House: Is
the US Anti-War Movement Running Out of Steam?
Phillip
Cryan
Torture, Bombings & the Press in
Colombia
Mark
Zepezauer
Getting Reagan Wrong
Mickey
Z.
Reagan, Radicals and Repetitive Reactions
John
L. Hess
Reagan and Bush in Normandy
Alex
Dawoody
Reagan and Saddam: the Unholy Alliance
Christopher
Fons
Reagan in a Word: Mean
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
Some Tenets are More Important Than Others
Ahmed
Bouzid
Nothing New Under the Israeli Sun
Michael
Leon
Bush the Narcissist
June
7, 2004
Jason
Leopold
New Enron Docs Show Lay and Skilling
Knew of California Trading Schemes
Patrick
Cockburn
The Baghdad Bombings: the Pattern
of Attacks is Changing
Dennis
Hans
From Afghanistan to El Salvador: Reagan's
Dark Global Legacy
Tracy
McLellan
Nader at the National Press Club:
a Glimpse at a Different Kind of Politics
Bill
Blum
The Myth of the Gipper: Reagan Didn't
End the Cold War
Ben
Tripp
What I Owe Reagan: the Brylcreemed
Bullshitter
Susan
Davis
Reagan, In a Nutshell
Phil
Gasper
Reagan: Goodbye and Good Riddance
Website
of the Day
A Child's ABCs of Terrorism
June
5 / 6, 2004
C.
Douglas Lummis
Toward a Universal Declaration of
Human Wrongs
Saul
Landau
Five Cubans in Prison, Victims of Bush's Obsession
Dave
Lindorff
John Walker Lindh, Revisited
Brian
Cloughley
Apologies, Please, From Those Who Got It Wrong
Rich
Gibson
The Grenada 17: the Last Prisoners of the Cold War are Black
Elaine
Cassel
A Sorry FBI
Cathrin
Schütz
On the Ruins of Yugoslavia
Ben
Tripp
Call Me, Mr. Cassandra
Kurt
Nimmo
The Madness of King George
Ron
Jacobs
They Ain't Goin' Nowhere (Unless We Make It So)
Laura
Flanders
The Lynne Cheney Show?
Lenni
Brenner
Renaissance Noir: Caravaggio at the Met
Abigail
Jones
Whatever Happened to Lori Berenson, President Toledo's Trophy
Prisoner?
Mark
Latham
Nothing Bush Said Has Changed Our Hopes
Gerry
Adams
I Was Photographed While Tortured, Too
Toni
Solo
Venezuela 2004, Nicaragua's Contra War Reprised
Derek
Seidman
Meet the New Boss, Same as the Old
M.
Junaid Alam
Torture is Just the Symptom
Matt
Siegfried
An American Way of War
Dave
Zirin
The Politics of Charles Barkley
Poets'
Basement
Albert, Krieger, St. Clair
Website
of the Weekend
Overnight Sensations
June
4, 2004
Chris
Floyd
Masked and Anonymous: Inside America's
Animal House
Cornwell
/ Penketh
Exit Tenet: the Fall of a Fall Guy
Wayne
Madsen
Apprehension & Frustation: Neo-Cons on the Brink
Greg
Moses
Agitating for Workers' Rights in Iraq
Yitzak
Laor
Before Rafah
Ghali
Hassan
Ambassador to Death Squads: Who is Negroponte?
Jane
Stillwater
God, the Rapture and Vera Casey
CounterPunch
Wire
D-Day Reconsidered: Was It Really Worth the Carnage?
John
Borowski
Woo-Wooism v. Meteorites: Why the Dems Are No Match for Bush
Mike
Griffin
Caterpillar's Assault on the UAW
Alexander Cockburn
Has Bush Gone Over the Edge?
Website
of the Day
Aquae Urbis Romae:
Water and Empire

June
3, 2004
Ron
Jacobs
Iran's Nuclear Dilemma
Dr.
Susan Block
America in tha Hood
Michael
Donnelly
The Bully and the Brahmin
John
Chuckman
Insanity in America: US Ranks Number
One in the Deranged
Christopher
Brauchli
The Return of Cardinal Law: Rome
on $12,000 a Month
Samia
Nassar Melki
Caravaggio in Iraq
Mike
Whitney
Subverting Justice: Pre-Trial Ruminations in the Padilla Case
Diane
Rejman
Memorial Day Isn't Just About the Dead
Scott
Morris
"WMDs" in Cuba
Paul
de Rooij
Palestinian Misery in Perspective
June
2, 2004
Brian
Cloughley
The Liars are Winning
Ray
McGovern
How Far Would They Go? Beware "Credible
Intelligence"
Josh
Frank
The Anybody But Bush Offensive
Mike
Whitney
The Afghanistan Failure: Bush's Warlord Patriots
Jackie
Corr
Iraq and Ireland: Three Tales from Butte, Montana
Robert
Jensen
The US Lost the Iraq War...and It's a Good Thing, Too
Alexander
Cockburn
"Bye, Bye Boonville!"
June
1, 2004
Gary
Leupp
Instant Karma: Bush's Sins Catch Up
with Him
William
A. Cook
Manufacturers of Fear and Loathing in
Rafah
Dave
Lindorff
Will the Times Clean House?
Kevin
Zeese
Inside the Kerry / Nader Meeting: Did
the Kerry Campaign Lie About What Was Discussed?
Jacob
Levich
Coming Soon: Return of the Draft,
a Bipartisan Production
Kathy
Kelly
Voices in the Wilderness v. the US
Government
Website
of the Day
Remind Us
May
29 / 31, 2004
Lee
Ballinger / Dave Marsh
The Origins of Memorial Day
Janine
Pommy Vega
Memo for Memorial Day
Mike
Ferner
On Their Way to Abu Ghraib
Alfred
W. McCoy
The Cruel Shadow: the Long History of CIA Torture Research
Douglas
Valentine
An Open Letter to the NYT: Questions, Questions, Questions
Chris
White
First to Fight Culture: a Former Marine on the Marine Motto
Bruce
Anderson
The Awful Injustice to Tai Abreu
David
Vest
Get Ready for Kerry's War: the 100 Year Quagmire
Saul
Landau
Torture: the Logical Outcome of Bush's War for Democracy?
Kurt
Nimmo
Abu Hamza al-Mazri, Made in the USA
Elaine
Cassel
The Secrets of Surveillance: Ashcroft, Snoops, and Gag Orders
Will
Potter
The New War on "Terror": Protest the Torture of Chimps;
Get Arrested as a "Terrorist"
Ben
Tripp
They Fiddled While Nero Got the Matches
Dr.
Susan Block
Save Abu Ghraib!
Kia
Kojouri
Nukes, the US, Israel and Iran: an
Interview with Sasan Fayazmanesh
Mickey
Z
D-Day: 60 Years is Enough!
Jon
Brown
Correcting the Correction at the Times
Patrick
B. Barr
Pre-emptive War Insurance
Stephen
Gowans
Bad Apples in a Bad Barrel
Tom
Gorman
Gore on Bush in Iraq: the Approach May be Exotic, But It's Hardly
New
Dave
Zirin
Fighting for Boxers' Rights: an Interview with Eddie Mustafa
Muhammad
Gregory
Weiher
Bush to Arabs: "Go Get Yourself Some Democracy"
Erik
Cummings
Jung Meets Bush
Poets'
Basement
Davies, Ford, Kearney, McLellan and Albert
May
28, 2004
Rafael
Rodriguez Cruz
Curtain of Silence on the Cuban 5
Greg
Moses
Bush's Misleading Speech on Abu Ghraib
Dave
Lindorff
Dissing Independent Contractors:
Those Who Do the Dirty Work
Norman
Solomon
Leaping for Lies at the Times
Rep.
Bill Delahunt
Bush's Cruel New Rules on Cuba
Paul
McGeough
Chalabi Baba and the 40 Thieves
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
India and Nehru: 40 Years After
Alexander
Cockburn
NYTs: "Maybe We Did Screw Up...a
Little"
May
27, 2004
Amy
Goodman / David Goodman
Fatal Errors: the Lies of Our Times
Douglas
Valentine
Ragging the Dogs of War at the
NYTs
John
L. Hess
The Times Confesses...Kind Of
Stew
Albert
Dellinger, the Wrestling Pacifist
Dave
Dellinger
a 1993 Interview
Christopher
Brauchli
Tax Breaks for Scions...to Hell with Poor Kids
Rampton
/ Stauber
Banana Republicans: Pumping Irony
May
26, 2004
Ron
Jacobs
Goodbye, David Dellinger: He Was a
Friend of Ours
Robert
Fisk
The Things Bush Didn't Say in His Speech
Zeynep
Toufe
New Draft UN Resolution Permits Perpetual Occupation
Conn
Hallinan
Bush and Sharon: the Oil Connection
Tom
Stephens
2 + 2 is On My Mind: More Morons
and War Crimes
Derek
Medley
Protesting Gov. Bigot
CounterPunch
Wire
FBI Abducts Artist; Seizes Art
Andrew
Cockburn
The Trail to Tehran
May
25, 2004
Joe
Bageant
The Covert Kingdom: On Earth as It
is in Texas
Col.
Dan Smith
A Question of Human Dignity
Gary
Handschumacher
Visiting Lori Berenson: Time to Bring Her Home
Toni
Solo
A Developing War in the Andes
Marc
Estrin
September Song: Disturbing Questions
About 9/11
Stephen
Banko, III
A Vietnam Vet on "Supporting the
Troops"
Website
of the Day
The Wizard of Whimsy

May
24, 2004
Ron
Jacobs
Dan Senor is Safe!
Kurt
Nimmo
Dirty Tricks & TortureGate: the
Missing Taguba Pages
Sam
Hamod
Gen. Zinni: "Wrong War, Wrong
Place, Wrong Time"
Mike
Whitney
The Wedding was a Bomb
Stan
Goff
Open Season on MAMs
Image
of the Day
A Photo from Abu Ghraib We Didn't See on the Front Page of the
NYTs
May
22 / 23, 2004
Paul
de Rooij
Colin Powell, a Political Obituary
Jeffrey
St. Clair
When War is Swell: Bush and the Carlyle Group
Elizabeth
Weill-Greenberg
Her Son Was Told He Wouldn't See Combat; Now He's Dead: an Interview
with Sue Niederer
Brian
Cloughley
America is Committing War Crimes in Iraq
Saul
Landau
Democracy in Latin America: Great for Investors; Not So Good
for People
Brandy
Baker
Feminists Stand By Their Man: Abortion, Judges and Kerry
Randall
Robinson
Bushwhacked in the Caribbean
Uri
Avnery
The Rape of Rafah
Ben
Tripp
Assume the Worst
Bruce
Anderson
News from Ecotopia: the Truth About the Wine Business
Josh
Ruebner
Why I Burned My Israeli Military Papers
Peter
Wolson, Ph. D.
Exhibitionistic Revenge at Abu Ghraib
Chloe
Cockburn
In Defense of "Troy": What Hector Could Teach Rummy
Linda
Burnham
Sexual Domination in Uniform: an American Value
Adrien
Rain Burke
War of the Necrophiliacs: Spc. Sabrina Harman and Her Corpse
David
Krieger
Charting a New Course for US Nuclear Policy
Ron
Jacobs
Turnaround
Poets'
Basement
Ford, Albert & LaMorticella
May 21, 2004
Ray
Close
The Canards of the Apologists
Christopher
Brauchli
"The Object of Torture is Torture"
Amira
Hass
Darkness at Noon
Jack
McCarthy
Camilo Mejia: Can the Son of a Sandinista Get a Fair Trial from
the US Army?
Bill
Kauffman
Nader v. Bush
Omar
Barghouti
No More Tears for America
Ghali
Hassan
Moral Failure of the "Free World" in Gaza
Christopher
Reed
How the CIA Taught the Portuguese to
Torture
Website
of the Day
Eric Idle on the Bush Administration: Fuck You, So Very Much
May
20, 2004
Andrew
Cockburn
The Truth About Chalabi
Kathy
Kelly
A Visit from the FBI
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
Brown and Bored of Education in India
Tom
Stephens & John Philo
The War Crimes of Bush, Cheney & Co.
Sam
Bahour / Michael Dahan
Genocide by Public Policy
Robert
Ovetz
Ending the Race for the Last Turtle
Billy
Wilson
The Most Important Thing I Learned at School This Year
Website
of the Day
Rafah Today



Hot Stories
Alexander Cockburn
Behold,
the Head of a Neo-Con!
Subcomandante
Marcos
The
Death Train of the WTO
Norman Finkelstein
Hitchens
as Model Apostate
Steve Niva
Israel's
Assassination Policy: the Trigger for Suicide Bombings?
Dardagan,
Slobodo and Williams
CounterPunch Exclusive:
20,000 Wounded Iraqi Civilians
Steve
J.B.
Prison Bitch
Sheldon
Rampton and John Stauber
True Lies: the Use of Propaganda
in the Iraq War
Wendell
Berry
Small Destructions Add Up
CounterPunch
Wire
WMD: Who Said What When
Cindy
Corrie
A Mother's Day Talk: the Daughter
I Can't Hear From
Gore Vidal
The
Erosion of the American Dream
Francis Boyle
Impeach
Bush: A Draft Resolution
Click
Here for More Stories.

|
June
17, 2004
The
Ties That Blind
How
Reagan Armed Saddam with Chemical Weapons
By
NORM DIXON
On August 18, 2002, the New York Times
carried a front-page story headlined, "Officers say U.S.
aided Iraq despite the use of gas". Quoting anonymous US
"senior military officers", the NYT "revealed"
that in the 1980s, the administration of US President Ronald
Reagan covertly provided "critical battle planning assistance
at a time when American intelligence knew that Iraqi commanders
would employ chemical weapons in waging the decisive battles
of the Iran-Iraq war". The story made a brief splash in
the international media, then died.
While the August 18 NYT article
added new details about the extent of US military collaboration
with Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein during Iraq's 1980-88 war
with Iran, it omitted the most outrageous aspect of the scandal:
not only did Ronald Reagan's Washington turn a blind-eye to the
Hussein regime's repeated use of chemical weapons against Iranian
soldiers and Iraq's Kurdish minority, but the US helped Iraq
develop its chemical, biological and nuclear weapons programs.
Nor did the NYT dwell on the
extreme cynicism and hypocrisy of President George Bush II's
administration's citing of those same terrible atrocities--which
were disregarded at the time by Washington--and those same weapons
programs--which no longer exist, having been dismantled and destroyed
in the decade following the 1991 Gulf War--to justify a massive
new war against the people of Iraq.
A reader of the NYT article
(or the tens of thousands of other articles written after the
war drive against Iraq began in earnest soon after September
11, 2001) would have looked in vain for the fact that many of
the US politicians and ruling class pundits who demanded war
against Hussein--in particular, the one of the most bellicose
of the Bush administration's "hawks", defence secretary
Donald Rumsfeld--were up to their ears in Washington's efforts
to cultivate, promote and excuse Hussein in the past.
The NYT article read as though
Washington's casual disregard about the use of chemical weapons
by Hussein's dictatorship throughout the 1980s had never been
reported before. However, it was not the first time that "Iraqgate"--as
the scandal of US military and political support for Hussein
in the '80s has been dubbed--has raised its embarrassing head
in the corporate media, only to be quickly buried again.
One of the more comprehensive
and damning accounts of Iraqgate was written by Douglas Frantz
and Murray Waas and published in the February 23, 1992, Los Angeles
Times. Headlined, "Bush secret effort helped Iraq build
its war machine", the article reported that "classified
documents obtained by the LA Times show ... a long-secret pattern
of personal efforts by [George Bush senior]--both as president
and vice president--to support and placate the Iraqi dictator."
Even William Safire, the right-wing,
war-mongering NYT columnist, on December 7, 1992, felt compelled
to write that, "Iraqgate is uniquely horrendous: a scandal
about the systematic abuse of power by misguided leaders of three
democratic nations [the US, Britain and Italy] to secretly finance
the arms buildup of a dictator".
The background to Iraqgate
was the January 1979 popular uprising that overthrew the cravenly
pro-US Shah of Iran. The Iranian revolution threatened US imperialism's
domination of the strategic oil-rich region. Other than Israel,
Iran had long been Washington's key ally in the Middle East.
Washington immediately began
to "cast about for ways to undermine or overthrow the Iranian
revolution, or make up for the loss of the Shah. Hussein's regime
put up its hand. On September 22, 1980, Iraq launched an invasion
of Iran. Throughout the bloody eight-year-long war--which cost
at least 1 million lives--Washington backed Iraq.
As a 1990 report prepared for
the Pentagon by the Strategic Studies Institute of the US War
College admitted: "Throughout the [Iran-Iraq] war the United
States practised a fairly benign policy toward Iraq... [Washington
and Baghdad] wanted to restore the status quo ante ... that prevailed
before [the 1979 Iranian revolution] began threatening the regional
balance of power. Khomeini's revolutionary appeal was anathema
to both Baghdad and Washington; hence they wanted to get rid
of him. United by a common interest ... the [US] began to actively
assist Iraq."
At first, as Iraqi forces seemed
headed for victory over Iran, official US policy was neutrality
in the conflict. Not only was Hussein doing Washington's dirty
work in the war with Iran, but the US rulers believed that Iraq
could be lured away from its close economic and military relationship
with the Soviet Union--just as Egypt's President Anwar Sadat
had done in the 1970s.
In March 1981, US Secretary
of State Alexander Haig excitedly told the Senate foreign relations
committee that Iraq was concerned by "the behaviour of Soviet
imperialism in the Middle Eastern region". The Soviet government
had refused to deliver arms to Iraq as long as Baghdad continued
its military offensive against Iran. Moscow was also unhappy
with the Hussein's vicious repression of the Iraqi Communist
Party.
Washington's support (innocuously
referred to as a "tilt" at the time) for Iraq became
more open after Iran succeeded in driving Iraqi forces from its
territory in May 1982; in June, Iran went on the offensive against
Iraq. The US scrambled to stem Iraq's military setbacks. Washington
and its conservative Arab allies suddenly feared Iran might even
defeat Iraq, or at least cause the collapse of Hussein's regime.
Using its allies in the Middle
East, Washington funnelled huge supplies of arms to Iraq. Classified
State Department cables uncovered by Frantz and Waas described
covert transfers of howitzers, helicopters, bombs and other weapons
to Baghdad in 1982-83 from Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Kuwait.
Howard Teicher, who monitored
Middle East policy at the US National Security Council during
the Reagan administration, told the February 23, 1992, LA Times:
"There was a conscious effort to encourage third countries
to ship US arms or acquiesce in shipments after the fact. It
was a policy of nods and winks."
According to Mark Phythian's
1997 book Arming Iraq: How the US and Britain Secretly Built
Saddam's War Machine (Northeastern University Press), in 1983
Reagan asked Italy's Prime Minister Guilo Andreotti to channel
arms to Iraq.
The January 1, 1984 Washington
Post reported that the US had "informed friendly Persian
Gulf nations that the defeat of Iraq in the three-year-old war
with Iran would be 'contrary to US interests' and has made several
moves to prevent that result".
Central to these "moves"
was the cementing of a military and political alliance with Saddam
Hussein's repressive regime, so as to build up Iraq as a military
counterweight to Iran. In 1982, the Reagan administration removed
Iraq from the State Department's list of countries that allegedly
supported terrorism. On December 19-20, 1983, Reagan dispatched
his Middle East envoy--none other than Donald Rumsfeld--to Baghdad
with a hand-written offer of a resumption of diplomatic relations,
which had been severed during the 1967 Arab-Israel war. On March
24, 1984, Rumsfeld was again in Baghdad.
On that same day, the UPI wire
service reported from the UN: "Mustard gas laced with a
nerve agent has been used on Iranian soldiers ... a team of UN
experts has concluded ... Meanwhile, in the Iraqi capital of
Baghdad, US presidential envoy Donald Rumsfeld held talks with
foreign minister Tariq Aziz."
The day before, Iran had accused
Iraq of poisoning 600 of its soldiers with mustard gas and Tabun
nerve gas.
There is no doubt that the
US government knew Iraq was using chemical weapons. On March
5, 1984, the State Department had stated that "available
evidence indicates that Iraq has used lethal chemical weapons".
The March 30, 1984, NYT reported that US intelligence officials
has "what they believe to be incontrovertible evidence that
Iraq has used nerve gas in its war with Iran and has almost finished
extensive sites for mass producing the lethal chemical warfare
agent".
However, consistent with the
pattern throughout the Iran-Iraq war and after, the use of these
internationally outlawed weapons was not considered important
enough by Rumsfeld and his political superiors to halt Washington's
blossoming love affair with Hussein.
The March 29, 1984, NYT, reporting
on the aftermath of Rumsfeld's talks in Baghdad, stated that
US officials had pronounced "themselves satisfied with relations
between Iraq and the US and suggest that normal diplomatic ties
have been restored in all but name". In November 1984, the
US and Iraq officially restored diplomatic relations.
According to Washington Post
journalist Bob Woodward, in a December 15, 1986 article, the
CIA began to secretly supply Iraq with intelligence in 1984 that
was used to "calibrate" mustard gas attacks on Iranian
troops. Beginning in early 1985, the CIA provided Iraq with "data
from sensitive US satellite reconnaissance photography ... to
assist Iraqi bombing raids".
Iraqi chemical attacks on Iranian
troops--and US assistance to Iraq--continued throughout the Iran-Iraq
war. In a parallel program, the US defence department also provided
intelligence and battle-planning assistance to Iraq.
The August 17, 2002 NYT reported
that, according to "senior military officers with direct
knowledge of the program", even though "senior officials
of the Reagan administration publicly condemned Iraq's employment
of mustard gas, sarin, VX and other poisonous agents ... President
Reagan, vice president George Bush [senior] and senior national
security aides never withdrew their support for the highly classified
program in which more than 60 officers of the Defense Intelligence
Agency (DIA) were secretly providing detailed information on
Iranian deployments, tactical planning for battles, plans for
air strikes and bomb-damage assessments for Iraq."
Retired DIA officer Rick Francona
told the NYT that Iraq's chemical weapons were used in the war's
final battle in early 1988, in which Iraqi forces retook the
Fao Peninsula from the Iranian army.
Another retired DIA officer,
Walter Lang, told the NYT that "the use of gas on the battlefield
by the Iraqis was not a matter of deep strategic concern".
What concerned the DIA, CIA and the Reagan administration was
that Iran not break through the Fao Peninsula and spread the
Islamic revolution to Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.
Iraq's 1982 removal from Washington's
official list of states that support terrorism meant that the
Hussein regime was now eligible for US economic and military
aid, and was able to purchase advanced US technology that could
also be used for military purposes.
Conventional military sales
resumed in December 1982. In 1983, the Reagan administration
approved the sale of 60 Hughes helicopters to Iraq in 1983 "for
civilian use". However, as Phythian pointed out, these aircraft
could be "weaponised" within hours of delivery. Then
US Secretary of State George Schultz and commerce secretary George
Baldridge also lobbied for the delivery of Bell helicopters equipped
for "crop spraying". It is believed that US-supplied
choppers were used in the 1988 chemical attack on the Kurdish
village of Halabja, which killed 5000 people.
With the Reagan administration's
connivance, Baghdad immediately embarked on a massive militarisation
drive. This US-endorsed military spending spree began even before
Iraq was delisted as a terrorist state, when the US commerce
department approved the sale of Italian gas turbine engines for
Iraq's naval frigates.
Soon after, the US agriculture
department's Commodity Credit Corporation (CCC) guaranteed to
repay loans--in the event of defaults by Baghdad--banks had made
to Iraq to buy US-grown commodities such as wheat and rice. Under
this scheme, Iraq had three years to repay the loans, and if
it could not the US taxpayers would have to cough up.
Washington offered this aid
initially to prevent Hussein's overthrow as the Iraqi people
began to complain about the food shortages caused by the massive
diversion of hard currency for the purchase of weapons and ammunition.
The loan guarantees amounted to a massive US subsidy that allowed
Hussein to launch his overt and covert arms buildup, one result
being that the Iran-Iraq war entered a bloody five-year stalemate.
By the end of 1983, US$402
million in agriculture department loan guarantees for Iraq were
approved. In 1984, this increased to $503 million and reached
$1.1 billion in 1988. Between 1983 and 1990, CCC loan guarantees
freed up more than $5 billion. Some $2 billion in bad loans,
plus interest, ended up having to be covered by US taxpayers.
A similar taxpayer-funded,
though smaller scale, scam operated under the auspices of the
federal Export-Import Bank. In 1984, vice-president George Bush
senior personally intervened to ensure that the bank guaranteed
loans to Iraq of $500 million to build an oil pipeline. Export-Import
Bank loan guarantees grew from $35 million in 1985 to $267 million
by 1990.
According to William Blum,
writing in the August 1998 issue of the Progressive, Sam Gejdenson,
chairperson of a Congressional subcommittee investigating US
exports to Iraq, disclosed that from 1985 until 1990 "the
US government approved 771 licenses [only 39 were rejected] for
the export to Iraq of $1.5 billion worth of biological agents
and high-tech equipment with military application ...
"The US spent virtually
an entire decade making sure that Saddam Hussein had almost whatever
he wanted... US export control policy was directed by US foreign
policy as formulated by the State Department, and it was US foreign
policy to assist the regime of Saddam Hussein."
A 1994 US Senate report revealed
that US companies were licenced by the commerce department to
export a "witch's brew" of biological and chemical
materials, including bacillus anthracis (which causes anthrax)
and clostridium botulinum (the source of botulism). The American
Type Culture Collection made 70 shipments of the anthrax bug
and other pathogenic agents.
The report also noted that
US exports to Iraq included the precursors to chemical warfare
agents, plans for chemical and biological warfare facilities
and chemical warhead filling equipment. US firms supplied advanced
and specialised computers, lasers, testing and analysing equipment.
Among the better-known companies were Hewlett Packard, Unisys,
Data General and Honeywell.
Billions of dollars worth of
raw materials, machinery and equipment, missile technology and
other "dual-use" items were also supplied by West German,
French, Italian, British, Swiss and Austrian corporations, with
the approval of their governments (German firms even sold Iraq
entire factories capable of mass-producing poison gas). Much
of this was purchased with funds freed by the US CCC credits.
The destination of much of
this equipment was Saad 16, near Mosul in northern Iraq. Western
intelligence agencies had long known that the sprawling complex
was Iraq's main ballistic missile development centre.
Blum reported that Washington
was fully aware of the likely use of this material. In 1992,
a US Senate committee learned that the commerce department had
deleted references to military end-use from information it sent
to Congress about 68 export licences, worth more than $1 billion.
In 1986, the US defence department's
deputy undersecretary for trade security, Stephen Bryen, had
objected to the export of an advanced computer, similar to those
used in the US missile program, to Saad 16 because "of the
high likelihood of military end use". The state and commerce
departments approved the sale without conditions.
In his book, The Death Lobby:
How the West Armed Iraq, Kenneth Timmerman points out that several
US agencies were supposed to review US exports that may be detrimental
to US "national security". However, the commerce department
often did not submit exports to Hussein's Iraq for review or
approved them despite objections from other government departments.
On March 16, 1988, Iraqi forces
launched a poison gas attack on the Iraqi Kurdish village of
Halabja, killing 5000 people. While that attack is today being
touted by senior US officials as one of the main reasons why
Hussein must now be "taken out", at the time Washington's
response to the atrocity was much more relaxed.
Just four months later, Washington
stood by as the US giant Bechtel corporation won the contract
to build a huge petrochemical plant that would give the Hussein
regime the capacity to generate chemical weapons.
On September 8, 1988, the US
Senate passed the Prevention of Genocide Act, which would have
imposed sanctions on the Hussein regime. Immediately, the Reagan
administration announced its opposition to the bill, calling
it "premature". The White House used its influence
to stall the bill in the House of Representatives. When Congress
did eventually pass the bill, the White House did not implement
it.
Washington's political, military
and economic sweetheart deals with the Iraqi dictator came under
even more stress when, in August 1989, FBI agents raided the
Atlanta branch of the Rome-based Banca Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL)
and uncovered massive fraud involving the CCC loan guarantee
scheme and billions of dollars worth of unauthorised "off-the-books"
loans to Iraq.
BNL Atlanta manager Chris Drougal
had used the CCC program to underwrite programs that had nothing
to do with agricultural exports. Using this covert set-up, Hussein's
regime tried to buy the most hard-to-get components for its nuclear
weapons and missile programs on the black market.
Russ Baker, writing in the
March/April 1993 Columbia Journalism Review, noted: "Elements
of the US government almost certainly knew that Drougal was funnelling
US-backed loans--into dual-use technology and outright military
technology. The British government was fully aware of the operations
of Matrix-Churchill, a British firm with an Ohio branch, which
was not only at the centre of the Iraqi procurement network but
was also funded by BNL Atlanta... It would be later alleged by
bank executives that the Italian government, long a close US
ally as well as BNL's ultimate owner, had knowledge of BNL's
loan diversions."
Yet, even the public outrage
generated by the Halabja massacre and the widening BNL scandal
did not cool Washington's ardour towards Hussein's Iraq.
On October 2, 1989, US President
George Bush senior signed the top-secret National Security Decision
26, which declared: "Normal relations between the US and
Iraq would serve our long-term interests and promote stability
in both the Gulf and the Middle East. The US should propose economic
and political incentives for Iraq to moderate its behaviour and
increase our influence with Iraq... We should pursue, and seek
to facilitate, opportunities for US firms to participate in the
reconstruction of the Iraqi economy."
As public and congressional
pressure mounted on the US Agriculture Department to end Iraq's
access to CCC loan guarantees, Secretary of State James Baker--armed
with NSD 26--personally insisted that agriculture secretary Clayton
Yeutter drop his opposition to their continuation.
In November 1989, Bush senior
approved $1 billion in loan guarantees for Iraq in 1990. In April
1990, more revelations about the BNL scandal had again pushed
the department of agriculture to the verge of halting Iraq's
CCC loan guarantees. On May 18, national security adviser Scowcroft
personally intervened to ensure the delivery of the first $500
million tranche of the CCC subsidy for 1990.
According to Frantz and Waas'
February 23, 1992, LA Times article, in July 1990 "officials
at the National Security Council and the State Department were
pushing to deliver the second installment of the $1 billion in
loan guarantees, despite the looming crisis in the region and
evidence that Iraq had used the aid illegally to help finance
a secret arms procurement network to obtain technology for its
nuclear weapons and ballistic-missile program".
From July 18 to August 1, 1990,
Bush senior's administration approved $4.8 million in advanced
technology sales to Iraq. The end-users included Saad 16 and
the Iraqi ministry of industry and military industrialisation.
On August 1, $695,000 worth of advanced data transmission devices
were approved.
"Only on August 2, 1990,
did the agriculture department officially suspend the [CCC loan]
guarantees to Iraq--the same day that Hussein's tanks and troops
swept into Kuwait", noted Frantz and Waas.
Norm Dixon writes for Australia's Green
Left Weekly.
Weekend
Edition Features for June 12 / 13, 2004
Peter
Linebaugh
Remembering the Common Hood: Soweto
and Runnymede
Team
CounterPunch
CP's Favorite Albums
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Troy, Now and Then
Gary
Leupp
Not Really a Puppet Government in Iraq?
Brian
Cloughley
US Military in Crisis
Antonio
Ponvert, III
Iraqi Prisoner Abuse: the Connecticut Connection
Ben
Tripp
The Polls Get Stupider
Joe
Bageant
Mash Note to the "Girl with the Leash"
Ron
Jacobs
The Return of the Hip Hop Insurgency
Forrest
Hylton
Object Lessons from the Case of Francisco Cortés
Christopher
Brauchli
Federal Bureau of Errors
Kurt
Nimmo
Going After Qaddafi, Again
Wayne
Madsen
Israel's Slap at Reagan
Anthony
Loewenstein
Al Jazeera Awakens the Arab World
Michael
Donnelly
A Lightship in the Forest: Greenpeace Docks in the Siskiyous
Greg
Moses
Who Will Tell Us More About the Workers of Nasiriyah?
Susan
Davis
Harry Potter & the Prisoner of Azkaban
Joseph
Ramsey
Weather Report: a Review of The Weather Underground
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
The 18th Brumaire in the 21st
Century
Wayne
Saunders
The Gipper, D-Day and the Stanley Cup
Poets'
Basement
Richey, Ford, La Morticella, Albert
Website
of the Weekend
Insurgent Music
Keep
CounterPunch Alive:
Make
a Tax-Deductible Donation Today Online!
home
/ subscribe
/ about us / books
/ archives / search
/ links /
|