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Today's
Stories
November
8, 2007
Kathleen
& Bill Christison
Meeting the Other in Israel and
Palestine
November
7, 2007
Paul
Craig Roberts
Dollar's Fall Collapses the American
Empire
Russell
Mokhiber
Pelosi and Me: Can't the Democrats End the War By Not Bringing
the Funding Bill to the Floor?
Vijay
Prashad
The Apotheosis of Bobby Jindal
Niranjan
Ramakrishnan
Educating Pakistan: What Mukasey Can Teach Musharraf
Alan
Farago
To Bee or Not to Bee? The Politics of Colony Collapse
David
Macaray
The Writers' Guild Strike: Is There an Ice-Breaker?
Nikolas
Kozloff
The Case of the Slimy Senator: Chuck Schumer Greenlights Mukasey
Charlotte
Laws
What We Learned from Stephen Colbert's Presidential Campaign
Daniel
White
Zahid's Story
William
Cook
The Politics of Servility: Congress and the Israel Lobby
Website
of the Day
Safe Lawns
November
6, 2007
Mike
Whitney
Welcome to Year 27 of the Reagan
Revolution
Ralph
Nader
Who Determines the Price of Oil?
Andy
Worthington
The Torture of Ali al-Marri
Pam
Martens
Wall Street Metes Out Street Justice to Citigroup
Liaquat
Ali Khan
Pakistan's Dark Future
William
Schroder
The Return of Water Torture
Stephen
Lendman
Punishing Gaza
William
Blum
Cuba and Original Sin
Former
US Intelligence Officers
A Memo on Torture, Intelligence and Mukasey
November
5, 2007
Alexander
Cockburn
How I Spent the Eighth Brumaire
Russell
Mokhiber
Pelosi and Me: The Democrats and Single Payer
David
Macaray
How to Turn Workers Against Each Other (and Make Them All Poorer)
Gary
Leupp
General Musharaff's "State of Emergency"
Dave
Lindorff
Those Minot Nukes
Ludwig
Watzal
Israel's Dilemma in Palestine
Patrick
Cockburn
Tensions Ease in Iraqi Kurdistan
Peter
Stone Brown
John Fogerty Makes Peace with His Past
Michael
Simmons
Yo! What Happened to Peace?
Website
of the Day
Petition: In Defense of the Morton West HS Antiwar Students
November
3 / 4, 2007
Tariq
Ali
Pakistan Sinks Deeper into Night
David
Price
Army's Price Salesman of Counterinsurgency
Manual Seeks to Defend Stolen Scholarship
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Splitsville
Alan
Farago
The Housing Crash, Suburban Sprawl and the Crisis of the American
Middle Class
Paul
Krassner
He's Back! Don Imus Meets Michael Richards
Rannie
Amiri
Why the U.S. is Safeguarding Iraq's War Criminals
P.
Sainath
Indexing Humanity, Indian Style
Ayesha
Ijaza Khan
Pakistan in a Daze
Robert
Fantina
Is the Bush Administration Talking Itself Into a War With Iran?
Seth
Sandronsky
The Politics of Health Care in California
Ron
Jacobs
The Bebop of Baraka
Ramzy
Baroud
A Case for Arab Dignity
Heather
Gray
When Capitalists Get a Free Ride
November
2, 2007
Dr.
Mary Pipher
Acting on Conscience: Psychologists
and Abusive Interrogations
Saul
Landau
How Pete Stark Became a Pariah
Andy
Worthington
Guantánamo as House Arrest
Sharon
Smith
A Tale of Two Stadiums
Gary
Leupp
Fascist Beatifications: the History and Politics of Sainthood
Gregory
Harms
The Chorus of Slander on Palestine
Christopher
Brauchli
Racism in High Places
Peter
Morici
The Falling Dollar and the Stubborn Trade Deficit
Dave
Lindorff
The Easy Way to Stop the Looming US Attack on Iran
David
Penner
Zombie Nation
Website
of the Day
Fall in Yosemite
November
1, 2007
Paul
Craig Roberts
The Wages of Hegemony
Patrick
Cockburn
The Most Dangerous Dam in the World
Dave
Lindorff
The Air Force Report on the Minot-Barksdale Nuclear Missile Flight
Jonathan
Feldman
The Strange Political Economy of Death in the South
Mike
Ferner
They Met the Resistance in Iraq
William
S. Lind
A Question for Would-Be Presidents
Diana
Johnstone
"Fascislamism" Versus "Shoah Business"
Jacob
Hornberger
The War on Telephone Privacy
A..K.
Gupta
The Apocalypse will be Televised
Lyuba
Zarsky /
Kevin Gallagher
The Enclave Economy of Mexico's Silicon Valley
Felice
Pace
Does the SPLC Equate Anti-Zionism with Anti-Semitism?
Website
of the Day
This One's for You, Ed Abbey
October
31, 2007
Bill
Quigley
New Orleans' Broken Criminal Justice
System
Rev.
William E. Alberts
A Trail of American Blood: From the White House to CBS News
Ray
McGovern
Attacking Iran for Israel
Eric
Walberg
Poisonous Espionage: Litvinenko and the New Cold War
V.
G. Smith
The Second Death of Guy Môquet
Luis
J. Rodriguez
"Social Cleansing" from Guatemala to LA
Sheldon
Richman
Bush has Time to Run the World
Walter
Brasch
A Real Halloween Scare
Website
of the Day
Boogie Rocks!
October 30, 2007
David
Price
Pilfered Scholarship Devastates Gen.
Petraeus's Counterinsurgency Manual
M.
Shahid Alam
The Pakistan Question
Andy
Worthington
The Epiphany of Matthew Waxman: a Government Insider Turns Against
Gitmo
Patrick
Cockburn
The Bicycle Bomber of Baquba
Anthony
Papa
The Twisted Logic of Drug Laws
Floyd
Rudmin
What "All Options are on the Table" Really Means
Sherwood
Ross
Giuliani and Torture
Website
of the Day
The Worst Lobby? You Decide
October
29, 2007
Lisa
Hajjar
Inside Israel's Military Courts
Joe
DeRaymond
The Politics of Lethal Injections
Patrick
Cockburn
The High Stakes in Iraqi Kurdistan
Isabella
Kenfield /
Roger Burbach
Corporate Murder in Brazil
Fred
Gardner
The Frivolous Investigation of Dr. Sterner
Farzana
Versey
Caricaturing Islam
Stephen
Fleischman
The Greening of the Oligarchy
Marcelle
Cendrars
The Congressional Rip Cord
Eamonn
McCann
Dan Keating, the Last of the Republican Irreconcilables
Martha
Rosenberg
For Halloween, Ann Coulter Dresses as .... Ann Coulter!
Website
of the Day
Campaign 2008
October
27 / 28, 2007
Alexander
Cockburn
So Much for Islamo-Fascism Awareness
Jeffrey
St. Clair
The Dam That Isn't There
James
Bovard
Breaking Down an Innocent Man: The FBI's Right to Threaten Torture
Ralph
Nader
Beyond the Rule of Law
M.
Reza Pirbhai
The Wahhabis are Coming, the Wahhabis are Coming!
Robert
Sandels
Pay the Invaders! Cuba, Claims and Confiscations
Jacob
G. Hornberger
Ruling By Decree
Missy
Beattie
The Arsonists in the West Wing
John
Ross
U.S. Eyes on Oaxaca
Robert
Fantina
Condi Rice, the Imperial Cheerleader
Ron
Jacobs
Labor at the Crossroads
Ali
Moayedian
In Search of Logic About Iran
David
Michael Green
What If We Had a President Who Didn't Give a Damn About Terrorism?
Poets
Basement
Block, Davies and Ford
Website
of the Day
Bring 'Em Home: a Music Video
October
26, 2007
Brian
Cloughley
Revenging Bloodshed
Saul
Landau
Portrait of Rudy
Ahmad
Al-Akras
Getting Justice in the HLF Case
Franklin
Lamb
Does "Loving" Lebanon Mean Never Having to Say You're
Sorry?
Mike
Whitney
Murdoch's Cuckoo's Nest
Dave
Lindorff
Home of the Brave? Reducing US Casualties By Killing More Civilians
Alan
Farago
A Castro Behind Every Bush
Yifat
Susskind
Conscripting Feminism into the War on Terror
Website
of the Day
Dead Life in a Political Prison
October 25, 2007
Jeffrey
St. Clair /
Joshua Frank
Iraq's Environmental Crisis
Manuel
Garcia, Jr.
Homes of the Crash Test Dummies
Paul
Craig Roberts
The Fraudulent War on Terror
Col.
Dan Smith
The Politics of Paranoia: Jane Harman's War on the First Amendment
Alan
Farago
The Way to Paradise?
Chris
Kutalik
The Lesson of the Chrysler Rebels
Brian
McKinlay
John Howard and the Curse of Bush
Cindy
Sheehan
Pete, Nancy, George and WW III
Website
of the Day
Support the America's Program!
October
24, 2007
Natalie
Washington-Weik
White Fantasies About Race-Based
Intelligence
Andy
Worthington
The Guantánamo Suicides
Michael
Birmingham
What Happened in Nahr Al Bared?
Corporate
Crime Reporter
The Nuclear Democrats
Tariq
Ali
Bush's Cuba Detour
Farzana
Versey
Imagining Serfdom in a Scarf
Dave
Zirin
White Noise
James
Murren
What "Support Our Troops" Means
Todd
Chretien
Looking Reality in the Face
Martha
Rosenberg
What Came First, the Chicken or
the Cage?
Website
of the Day
Hillary Clinton on Nuclear Power
October
23, 2007
Ralph
Nader
Bush's Catastrophic Rhetoric
Lawrence
R. Velvel
Goldsmith Stands Convicted--By His Own Mouth: How a Harvard Law
Professor Justified Rendition at the Bush Justice Dept.
Vijay
Prashad
The Nuke Deal is Dead
Bonnie
Bricker /
Adil E. Shamoo
The True Cost of War for Oil
Dave
Lindorff
Christopher Dodd's Make or Break Moment
Mike
Whitney
The Big Squeeze
Farzana
Versey
Race with the Devil
Stanley
Heller /
Ben George
Something New from the Antiwar Movement
Marcelle
Cendrars
You Too Can Confront the Holy Executive
Regan
Boychuk
Burma and Haiti: Comparing the Media Response
Website
of the Day
King Corn
October
22, 2007
Ishmael
Reed
Should Blacks Go Green?
Marjorie
Cohn
Mukasey and the Constitution: Another Loyal Bushie
Rannie
Amiri
Is There a Method to Bush's Middle East Madness?
Diane
Farsetta
Time to Pay for Payola: the FCC and Pundit-for-Hire Armstrong
Williams
Todd
Alan Price
Renewing No Child Left Behind: A Hurricane Katrina Aimed at Public
Education
Robert
Jensen
The Quagmire of Masculinity
Stephen
Lendman
The UAW Leadership Sells Out Its Workers
Jemima
Khan
The Kleptocrat in an Hermes Headscarf
Sunsara
Taylor
David Horowitz Can't Handle the Truth
Binoy
Kampmark
No Ideas, Please: the Australian Elections
Website
of the Day
Support the Center for International Policy
October
20 / 21, 2007
Alexander
Cockburn
The Man Who Builds Hillaryworld
Tariq
Ali
A Massacre Foretold
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Greetings from Echo Park
Andy
Worthington
The Shame of Diego Garcia
Mike
Whitney
Housing Flameout
Daniel
Wolff
Play It As It Lays
David
Rosen
Deviants on Parade: Folsom St. Fair and America's 4th Sexual
Revolution
Saul
Landau
David and Goliath in Iraq
Ron
Jacobs
COINTELPRO and the Panthers
Robert
Fantina
The Strange Love of Mitt Romney and Bob Jones
David
Heleniak
Erring on the Side of Hidden Harm
Joe
Allen
Hoffa Brown-Nosing at UPS
Prairie
Miller
Lions for Lambs
Poets'
Basement
Gibbons, Holt and Buknatski
Website
of the Weekend
Crash!
October
19, 2007
John
Ross
Che's Mexican Legacy
Sheldon
Rampton
Shared Values Revisited: a Case Study in the Limits of Propaganda
Rahul
Mahajan
A Tale of Two Atrocities: Blackwater and Haditha
Devra
Davis
Deadly Secrets: Chemical Pollution and Cancer
Christopher
Brauchli
Blasphemous Science
Wadner
Pierre
Haiti After the Deluge
Bill
Quigley
Jailed for Justice
Website
of the Day
Textbook Sticker Shock
October
18, 2007
Saree
Makdisi
Academic Freedom is at Risk
Meg
Dwyer
What I Learned from 9/11: Who Wouldn't Want Us Dead?
Alevtina
Rea
Sketches of Russian Life
Norman
Solomon
The United States of Violence
Kristoffer
Larsson
Something is Rotten in Sweden
Harvey
Wasserman
Nukes are Back and So are We
Website
of the Day
Eve Ensler: "A Filibuster Would Stop This War"
October
17, 2007
Steve
Niva
Counter-Insurgency, American-Style
Andy
Worthington
The Case of Mohamed Jawad
Alan
Farago
The Credit Shock
Russell
Mokhiber
The New Billionaire-Criminal Class
Sharon
Smith
Democrats, AWOL When It Mattered
Mike
Whitney
Time for the Banks to Face the Hangman
Robert
Fantina
Iraq, Iran and the US: Business as Usual
Chris
Irwin
Where Have All the Rednecks Gone?
Website
of the Day
Sex Ed at Oral Roberts University
October
16, 2007
Peter
Linebaugh
Doris Lessing and the Dynamite
Prize
Paul
Findley
Follow the Leader: The Open Secret About the Israel Lobby
Robert
Bryce
Inconvenient Corrections: Al Gore's Wacky Facts
Uri
Avnery
The Mother of All Pretexts
Paul
Craig Roberts
The Iraqi Genocide
Ray
McGovern
What Did Nancy Pelosi Know About NSA Spying and When Did She
Know It?
Norman
Solomon
The Pro-War Undertow of the Blackwater Scandal
Martha
Rosenberg
The Curse of Cymbalta
William
S. Lind
Out of the Frying Pan
Joel
S. Hirschborn
Time to Boycott Voting
Website
of the Day
Pipeline Through Paradise: Big Oil's Arctic Play
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November
8, 2007
FISA and America's
Basic Freedoms
Let's
Not Repeat the Mistakes of the Patriot Act
By Sen. RUSSELL FEINGOLD
I sit on the Intelligence Committee,
and there is no question that some of that committee's work must
be conducted behind closed doors due to the sensitive nature
of the information it handles on a regular basis. But it would
have been far preferable if the Intelligence Committee had considered
its FISA legislation in a more open process. As it drafted its
bill, that Committee would have benefited from the input of a
wide variety of experts. But those experts, who have quite a
different point of view on the issues raised by this bill than
the Administration, were not able to comment on it before the
committee marked the bill up.
So I am particularly glad that the Judiciary Committee is holding
this open markup, and that it has held open hearings on these
issues. The public should have the ability to see what we are
doing on this very important issue. In addition, this committee's
expertise in privacy and civil liberties, and FISA, is crucial
to this debate.
This committee's consideration is also important because the
bill reported by the Intelligence Committee, which Senator Wyden
and I voted against, is badly flawed. Given the promises that
were made after the rushed consideration of the Protect America
Act last summer, I was very disappointed that the bill reported
by the Intelligence Committee did not do more to protect the
privacy of law-abiding Americans.
As the members of this committee are well aware, before leaving
town for the August recess, Congress bowed to pressure from the
administration by vastly expanding the government's ability to
eavesdrop without a court-approved warrant. That legislation,
the so-called Protect America Act, was rushed through without
adequate consideration, but at least it had a six-month sunset
to force Congress to do its homework and reconsider the approach
taken in that bill.
Congress should take this opportunity to fix its mistakes and
pass a new bill that lets the government spy on suspected terrorists
but also protects Americans' basic freedoms. This time around,
Congress must stand up to an Administration that opposes reasonable
privacy protections for law-abiding Americans and that is insisting
on immunity language that would effectively prevent courts from
ruling on the legality of its warrantless wiretapping program.
Let me be clear. I agree that there is a legislative problem
that needs to be addressed. Congress should make clear that
when foreign terrorists are communicating with each other overseas,
the U.S. government doesn't need a warrant to listen in, even
if the collection ends up taking place in this country because
of the way modern communications are routed. Unfortunately,
the bill recently approved by the Senate Intelligence Committee
goes far beyond fixing that problem, just as the Protect America
Act did.
It still allows the government to listen to communications between
Americans in the United States and their friends and colleagues
abroad without judicial oversight, even if no one involved has
any connection to terrorism or any other criminal activity.
The government could secretly monitor the communications of an
American reporter talking to sources overseas, or an American
e-mailing relatives or friends abroad, without any meaningful
protections for those Americans. These aren't hypothetical concerns.
Because the whole point of these bills is to allow the government
to intercept communications in the U.S. and to get them directly
from the telecommunications companies, it will result in the
collection of enormous numbers of communications involving Americans
here at home, without a warrant and without court oversight.
It is critically important that we understand the impact that
this legislation will have on the privacy of Americans. Before
the PAA, all of these communications were collected through a
warrant. Now, no warrants are required and the Court has next
to no ability to ensure that Americans' communications are protected.
At the same time, the scope of these new warrantless collection
authorities are far beyond what is commonly understood. Even
the Administration's illegal warrantless wiretapping program
at least focused on terrorism. This bill allows for collection
to obtain "foreign intelligence information," which
is almost anything. The person with whom the American is speaking
does not have to be a terrorist suspect. They don't have to
be a suspect of any kind.
But the bill is even broader than that. The Director of National
Intelligence confirmed during a hearing of this Committee that
the PAA, and presumably this bill as well, authorizes bulk collection
of international communications, meaning the government doesn't
have to have any reason at all for collecting the communications.
It could just suck it all up. In America, we understand that
if we happen to be talking to a criminal suspect, our conversations
might be overheard by the government. That applies to terrorists
overseas as well. What we don't expect is that all our international
conversations could be overheard. And we certainly don't expect
that our conversations could be disseminated without any meaningful
court oversight. That is why additional privacy protections
are so critical, but they aren't in this bill.
Now, the Senate Intelligence Committee bill does make improvements
over the PAA in some respects. It requires court orders to target
Americans overseas. It also gives the FISA Court a small role
in reviewing the procedures the government will use to determine
if its targets are overseas. But under the bill, the government
would not have to get approval from the FISA court until after
the procedures have gone into effect. And the court has virtually
no power to ensure the government is following even those minimal
requirements, much less to protect the privacy of Americans with
whom overseas targets are communicating.
In America, the courts are supposed to have the last word in
protecting individual rights, not the executive branch. It is
essential that the FISA court have the power to exercise continuing
oversight over this new and very broad power that the bill gives
to the government.
As we work on this bill, I ask my colleagues to keep in mind
how common international communications now are. Thirty years
ago it was very expensive, and not very common, for most Americans
to make an overseas call. Oftentimes the connections were spotty.
Now, particularly with email, such communications are commonplace.
Millions of ordinary, and innocent, Americans communicate with
people overseas for entirely legitimate personal and business
reasons. Students email friends they have met while studying
abroad. Business people communicate with colleagues or clients
overseas all the time. Reporters have sources all over the world.
Technological advancements combined with the ever more interconnected
world economy have led to an explosion of international contacts.
It is common for those who want to give the government new powers
to argue that we just have to bring FISA up to date with new
technology. But changes in technology should also cause us to
take a close look at the need for greater protections of the
privacy of our citizens. I am going to offer amendments that
attempt to deal with these issues. If we are going to give the
government broad new powers that may very well lead to the collection
of information on innocent Americans, we have a duty to protect
their privacy as much as we possibly can. And we can do that
without sacrificing any of the efficacy of these new powers for
collecting information that will help protect our national security.
That is the point I want to emphasize. This is not a zero-sum
game. Not every protection for privacy and civil liberties leads
to a reduction in the ability to identify and capture those who
would harm us. We can and we must protect both privacy and national
security. We just have to work a little harder to find ways
to do that.
Let me remind my colleagues of words spoken by Judge Michael
Mukasey, who this committee just reported to the floor to be
the next Attorney General. At his confirmation hearing, he said:
"We can't turn our society into something that's not worth
preserving in order to preserve it. That's not a formula for
success." I believe he is right. This Congress, and this
committee in particular, needs to pay closer attention to the
effect of the powers it grants the government on the privacy
and freedom of innocent citizens.
In one very significant respect, the Intelligence Committee bill
is far worse than the PAA. It provides retroactive immunity
to companies that allegedly cooperated with the illegal warrantless
wiretapping program set up secretly after 9/11 an illegal
program that continued for more than five years.
I am strongly opposed to this entirely unjustified grant of immunity.
For one, it is unnecessary. Current law already provides immunity
from lawsuits for companies that cooperate with the government's
request for assistance, as long as they receive either a court
order or a certification from the Attorney General that no court
order is needed and the request meets all statutory requirements.
This limited immunity already protects companies that act in
good faith while also protecting the privacy of Americans' communications.
There is no reason to grant companies that allegedly cooperated
with the program a new form of retroactive immunity that undermines
the law that actually applied during the course of this illegal
program. If we want companies to follow the law in the future,
it sends a terrible message, and sets a terrible precedent, to
grant a new form of retroactive, blanket immunity for alleged
cooperation with an illegal program. It would also very likely
prevent the courts from ruling on the warrantless wiretapping
program, which would explain why the administration is pushing
so hard for it. This program was one of the worst abuses of
executive power in our history, and the courts should be able
to rule on it once and for all.
Congress should never have passed the so-called Protect America
Act, even for six months. We should fix this law to make sure
we protect Americans' privacy as we wiretap terrorists and other
foreign intelligence targets. We also should not be granting
unjustified retroactive immunity for those alleged to have cooperated
with the Administration's illegal warrantless wiretapping program.
It is my hope that the Judiciary Committee will pass a better
bill than the Intelligence Committee did. I am heartened that
a number of important changes are included in the substitute
to Title I circulated by Senator Leahy. I commend the Chairman
for working to improve this bill. I will have additional amendments
to offer to make sure that the bill adequately protects the rights
of innocent Americans who may get caught up in this new form
of surveillance, but the substitute is a good start. And we
must address the immunity question in a different way than the
Intelligence Committee bill did.
Let's not make the same mistake that we made with the Patriot
Act. We passed that law without taking the time to consider
its implications, and we didn't do enough during the reauthorization
process to fix it. As a result, three federal courts have struck
down provisions of the Patriot Act as unconstitutional. And
that is right back where we are going to end up if we don't do
our jobs and fix the Protect America Act.
Russ Feingold is the US Senator from Wisconsin.
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