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February
13, 2002
Alexander
Cockburn
Banning
the Koran
George
Monbiot
American
Imperialism
February
12, 2002
Uri Avnery
The
Great Game:
Oil, Sharon and Iran
Tommy
Ates
Black
Land Loss
February
11, 2002
Walt Brasch
The
Synergizing of America
John Troyer
Enron's
Deep Throat?
February
9, 2002
John Blair
Criticize
Cheney, Go to Jail
February
8, 2002
CounterPunch
Wire
Ashcroft
the Bigot
Molly
Secours
Racism
and Real Estate
Wole Akande
World
Economic Forum:
The Aftermath
Cockburn/St.
Clair
Dita
Sari Tells Reebok
to "Shove It"
February
7, 2002
Patrick
Cockburn
Taliban's
War on Chess
John Chuckman
Howdee,
Dick!
Tariq
Ali
Mullahs
and Heretics
February
6, 2002
Amira
Hass
On
the Edge of the
Non-Violent Demonstrations
Vivian
Berger
Sentenced
to Rape
Vladimir Georgiyev
Russian Intelligence:
War on Iraq Begins in Sept.
Tom Turnipseed
"Axis
of Evil" a Cover for Corporate Corruption?
David
Vest
The
Enron Creature
February
5, 2002
Norman
Madarasz
Dispatch
from Pôrto Alegre
Tom Malinowski
What
to do with
Our "Detainees"?
Dita Sari
Why
I Rejected the
Reebok Human Rights Award
February
4, 2002
Eric Miller/Beth
Daley
Five
Weapons Systems
That Bilk the Taxpayers
Kenneth
Roth
Dear
Condoleezza,
You've Misstated the
Geneva Convention
Robert
Jensen
The
Occupation Must End
Shahid
Alam
How
Different Are
Islamic Societies?
David
Vest
Everybody
Says I Loathe You
John Chuckman
American
Politics of Grief
February
3, 2002
Zoltan
Grossman
War
and New Military Bases
February
2, 2002
Francis
Schor
Carlucci's
Strange Career
February
1, 2002
Dr. Susan
Block
The
Great Ashcroft Cover Up
Jeremy
Voas
Why
We're Suing Ashcroft
David
Vest
10
Things I Know About Him
January
31, 2002
Rahul
Mahajan
The
State of the Union:
A New Cold War
Dave Marsh
Miles
Copeland, War
and the Future of Music
John Pilger
The
Colder War
Alexander
Cockburn
American
Journal:
Killer Dog, Weird Couple
Dr. Susan
Block
Blowback
and Daniel Pearl
January
30, 2002
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Linda
Lay, Hill and Knowlton and the Tears of a Clown
Jack McCarthy
Free
Noelle Bush!
Michael
Ratner
Memo
to Bush: Adhere to
the Geneva Convention
Jay Moore
Proud
to be an American?
Susan
Block
The
Great Pretzel Swallower
and Guantanamo Porn
January
29, 2002
Gary Leupp
Why
This War Was, and Remains, Utterly Wrong
Alexander
Cockburn
The
Birds of Kandahar
Patrick
Cockburn
Afghan
Opium Trade
Back in Business
January
28, 2002
Larry
Chin
Brosnahan
for the Defense
Mokhiber/Weissman
Tyranny
of the Bottom Line
George
E. Curry
Civil
Rights Nominee Called Affirmative Action "Racist"
Sen. Russ
Feingold
Campaign
Finance Reform?
Think Enron
John Chuckman
Liberal?
Media?
A Photographic Journal of Life
in an Afghan Refugee Camp
By Judith Mann
Resources:
100s of Links
About 9/11
CounterPunch:
Complete
Coverage of 9/11 and Its Aftermath
Five
Days That
Shook The World:
Seattle and Beyond
By Alexander
Cockburn
and Jeffrey St. Clair
Photos by Allan Sekula
(Click Here to Order from CounterPunch
Online at 20% Off Amazon.com's price!)
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EXCLUSIVE
TO
COUNTERPUNCH
SUBSCRIBERS
Published Oct. 15, 2001
8-Page Special Issue
War Diary
CIA's Assassination Plan a History of
Torture in US Prisons
bin Laden and Bush
Business Connections
Aisha Ikramuddin on the Hidden Hype
of US Food Bombs
Peter Linebaugh on
Pakistan
Christopher Hitchens' Love for Mrs. Thatcher
Jiang Zemin Tells Bush:
Nuke 'Em
Search
CounterPunch
Read Whiteout and Find Out
How the CIA's Backing of the Mujahideen Created the World's Most
Robust Heroin Market and Helped to Finance the Rise of the Taliban
and Osama bin Laden
Whiteout:
CIA, Drugs & the
Press
by Alexander
Cockburn
and Jeffrey St. Clair
The New Crusade:
America's War on Terrorism
By Rahul Mahajan
The Memphis Blues Again:
Six Decades of Memphis Music Photographs
Photos by Ernest Withers
Text by Daniel Wolff
The New Intifada:
Resisting Israel's Apartheid
Edited by Roane Carey
A Pocket Guide to
Environmental Bad Guys
by James Ridgeway
and Jeffrey St. Clair
The
Phoenix Program
by Douglas Valentine
Al Gore:
A User's Manual
by Cockburn
and St. Clair
Buy
This Explosive
New Book at an
Amazing Discount!
Reviews of Gore:
a User's Manual
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February 13,
2002
War Powers and
the War on Terrorism
By Sen. Russell Feingold
President Bush used strong rhetoric in his State
of the Union address last month to describe our fight against
terrorism. But to back that rhetoric with constitutional might,
the president must also honor the terms of the War Powers Resolution,
which requires the president to do more than outline his global
military objectives with tough-talking generalities.
In his State of the Union speech, Mr.
Bush raised the ante against Iran, Iraq and North Korea. Some
in the Bush administration have suggested that the military
campaign may also one day expand to Somalia, or that we may
need to move beyond military training in the Philippines. Given
the global reach of the terrorism threat, our armed forces may
indeed need to broaden their theater of operations. But under
our Constitution and the War Powers Resolution, the president
and Congress must first agree on any such expanded military
engagements.
The president has already shown respect
for the War Powers Resolution by asking for the consent of Congress
before ordering U.S. military troops into Afghanistan, a constitutionally
mandated step that his most recent predecessors ignored. The
Joint Resolution adopted by Congress and signed into law by
the president last year provides the president with statutory
authorization to use all necessary and appropriate force against
those responsible for the September 11 atrocities. This includes
authority to prevent future attacks by responding with force
against any nations, organizations or persons responsible for
planning, authorizing, aiding or harboring the terrorists who
were responsible.
But to preserve our constitutional framework
and the popular resolve that has lent so much to our success
to date, the president should acknowledge that the authorization
does not give him a blank check. As laudable as it might be
for the U.S. to root out all bad actors around the globe, such
action is outside the scope of the use-of-force resolution
that Congress passed, and beyond our financial means.
The War Powers Resolution recognizes
the shared constitutional responsibilities of both the president
and the Congress to make critical decisions concerning our
military commitments. The Resolution calls for more than a one-time
authorization from Congress. By recognizing Congress as custodian
of the authority to send our troops into battle, the War Powers
Resolution demands regular _ and meaningful _ consultations
between the two branches of government to sustain or expand
our military engagements.
In dividing war powers authority, the
Framers of our Constitution recognized that national unity of
purpose would be essential to any war effort, and that our national
unity could be strengthened by dispersing authority between
the two democratic branches of government. The separation of
powers in this area forces us to develop a broad national consensus
before placing Americans in harm's way.
And the effectiveness to date of our
military campaign in Afghanistan demonstrates that our nation
and our military operate at the zenith of moral, political and
military might when they act under constitutional authority
and with a defined democratic mandate.
So to honor the War Powers Resolution,
the president owes Congress a candid discussion about our long-term
plans in the Philippines, and a more detailed explanation of
his rationale for focusing America's attention so pointedly
on Iran, Iraq and North Korea in his State of the Union address.
Such dialogue and cooperation preserve
our constitutional structure, and increase the moral authority
of the president to act forcefully.
Given the unprecedented nature of the
threat confronting us, we must ensure our most powerful and
constitutionally unified response to the new threats confronting
us at home and abroad.
Russell Feingold,
Wisconsin Democrat, is a member of the United States Senate.
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