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The New Print Edition of CounterPunch, Only for Our Newsletter Subscribers! ISRAEL'S IRON HEEL It began when Harry Truman was in the White House. It has continued under every U.S. President since, and in this extended report we lay out the consequences of 60 years of brutal Israeli occupation of Palestinian land. Feroze Sidhwa details the human price of systematic, intentional destruction of the Palestinian social and economic fabric: physical and mental deterioration, traumatized youth, a savaged environment. Nancy Glass and Reem Salahi describe the Kafka-esque conditions in which Palestinian lawyers try to defend their people in Israel's courts. Get your copy today by subscribing online or calling 1-800-840-3683 Contributions to CounterPunch are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now! CounterPunch books and gear make great holiday presents.
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"Imperial Crusades: a Diary of Three Wars" by Cockburn and St. Clair
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Today's Stories December 12, 2007 Patrick
Cockburn
Uri
Avnery Debbie
Nathan JoAnn
Wypijewski Steve
Kelly Donna
J. Volatile
December 8 / 9, 2007 Alexander
Cockburn Brenda
Norrell Saul
Landau R.
F. Blader Ray
McGovern Allan
Nairn Linn
Washington, Jr Paul
Craig Roberts
December 7, 2007 Sean
Penn Arthur
Versluis M.
G. Piety Pam
Martens Alan
Farago Allan
Nairn Col.
Dan Smith Alice
Slater Robert
Weissman Website
of the Day
December 5, 2007 Mike
Whitney Sharon
Smith James
Petras Ron
Jacobs Dave
Zirin John
V. Whitbeck Peter
Zinn Niranjan
Ramakrishnan Alan
Farago Heather
Gray Website
of the Day
December 4, 2007 Alexander
Cockburn Andy
Worthington Paul
Craig Roberts Ray
McGovern Winslow
T. Wheeler Allan
Nairn Russell
Mokhiber Nikolas
Kozloff John
V. Walsh Ghada
Ageel Stephen
Soldz Website
of the Day
December 3, 2007 Tariq
Ali Bill
Quigley Eric
Walberg Uri
Avnery Marjorie
Cohn Dave
Lindorff Stephen
Fleischman Martha
Rosenberg Website
of the Day
December 1 / 2, 2007 Alexander
Cockburn Jeffrey
St. Clair Mike
Whitney Shemon
Salam Roger
Burbach Benjamin
Dangl Brian
M. Downing Greg
Moses Sonja
Karkar Saul
Landau Margaret
Kimberley John
Ross Reza
Fiyouzat Judith
Scherr Lance
Olsen Christopher
Brauchli Robert
Fantina Dan
Bacher Michael
Donnelly Website
of the Weekend
November 30, 2007 Peter
Stone Brown Wajahat
Ali Allan
Nairn Alan
Farago John
Ross Corporate
Crime Reporter Lucia
Alvarez James
Rothenberg Website
of the Day
November 29, 2007 R.
F. Blader Ismael
Hossein-Zadeh Stephen
Soldz Sheldon
Richman George
Wuerthner Felice
Pace Col.
Dan Smith Harvey
Wasserman Nikolas
Kozloff Paul
Krassner Dave
Lindorff CP
News Service Website
of the Day November 28, 2007 James
Petras Jeff
Halper Pam
Martens Peter
Morici Mohammed
Khatib Helen
Redmond William
S. Lind Ben
Tripp Liaquat
Ali Khan Jeff
Berg Website
of the Day
November 27, 2007 Joe
DeRaymond Paul
Craig Roberts Marjorie
Cohn Mike
Whitney Ron
Jacobs Col.
Dan Smith Ralph
Nader Karim
Makdisi Christopher
Ketcham Ronan
Bennett Website
of the Day
November 26, 2007 Kathleen
and Bill Christison Paul
Craig Roberts David
Macaray Sameer
Dossani Roger
Burbach Mark
Scaramella Brian
McKinlay Rick
Kuhn Binoy
Kampmark Monica
Benderman Brenda
Norrell Website
of the Day
November 24 / 25, 2007 Alexander
Cockburn Robert
Fisk Saul
Landau Jeffrey
St. Clair Rannie
Amiri Christopher
Brauchli Daniel
Gross Mike
Whitney Marjorie
Cohn David
Rosen David
Michael Green Kenneth
Rexroth Muhammad
Iqbal Website
of the Day
Gary
Leupp Laura
Carlsen David
Macaray Andy
Worthington Clifton
Ross Seth
Sandronsky Dan
Bacher William
A. Cook Website
of the Day
November 22, 2007 Alan
Farago Greg
Moses Dave
Lindorff Mike
Ely Omar
Azfar
November 21, 2007 Vijay
Prashad Martha
Rosenberg Manuel
Garcia, Jr. John
Ross Brian
McKenna Stephen
Soldz Monica
Benderman Ben
Terrall Website
of the Day
November 20, 2007 Oren
Ben-Dor Wajahat
Ali Alan
Farago Marjorie
Cohn Ralph
Nader Andy
Worthington Sara
Olson Dave
Lindorff Paul
Krassner Website
of the Day November 19, 2007 Winslow
T. Wheeler China
Hand Allan
Nairn Uri
Avnery David
Macaray Dave
Lindorff Bill
Quigley Ron
Jacobs Sunsara
Taylor Binoy
Kampmark Heather
Gray Website
of the Day
November 17 / 18, 2007 P.
Sainath David
Rosen Mike
Whitney George
Wuerthner Brenda
Norrell George
Ciccariello-Maher Karim
Makdisi Marie
Trigona Valerio
Volpi Fred
Gardner Robert
Fantina Mike
Ferner Missy
Comley Beattie Kenneth
Couesbouc Patrick
O'Hayer Poets'
Basement
November 16, 2007 Cockburn
/ St. Clair Dave
Zirin Gary
D. Barnett Alan
Farago Dave
Lindorff Russell
Mokhiber Robert
Ovetz Brenda
Norrell David
Swanson Peter
Letheby Website
of the Day
November 15, 2007 Cockburn
/ St. Clair Adolfo
Gilly Peter
Bohmer Andy
Worthington Gray
/ Derks Liaquat
Ali Khan Dave
Lindorff Christopher
Brauchli Anthony
Papa Martha
Rosenberg Ben
Terrall Website
of the Day
Cockburn
/ St. Clair James
Petras Al
Giordano Paul
Craig Roberts Andy
Worthington Stephen
Lendman Fatima
Bhutto Martin
Smith Jeff
Leys Website
of the Day November 13, 2007 Alexander
Cockburn Jeffrey
St. Clair Robert
Bryce David
Macaray Mike
Whitney Ralph
Nader Nikolas
Kozloff Jordan
Flaherty B.
R. Gowani Website
of the Day
November 12, 2007 Vicente
Navarro Ben
Brown Omar
K. Sadia
Abbas Farzana
Versey Richard
W. Behan Paul
Krassner Cindy
Sheehan Peter
Stone Brown Dave
Lindorff Website
of the Day
November 10 / 11, 2007 Alain
Gresh Mike
Whitney Ron
Jacobs Jeffrey
St. Clair Alan
Farago Binoy
Kampmark Robert
Fantina Fred
Gardner Ayesha
Ijaz Khan Nicola
Nasser Philip
Rizk Michael
Dickinson Joel
S. Hirschhorn Paul
Krassner Wadner
Pierre /
November 9, 2007 Patrick
Cockburn Mohammed
Hanif John
Ross Mike
Whitney Tom
Barry Corporate
Crime Reporter Badruddin
Khan David
Macaray Martha
Rosenberg Website
of the Day
November 8, 2007 Kathleen
& Bill Christison William
Loren Katz Mike
Whitney Sheldon
Richman Liaquat
Ali Khan Marc
Gardner Jackie
Corr Brenda
Norrell Dave
Lindorff China
Hand Sen.
Russ Feingold Website
of the Day
November 7, 2007 Paul
Craig Roberts Russell
Mokhiber Vijay
Prashad Niranjan
Ramakrishnan Alan
Farago David
Macaray Nikolas
Kozloff Charlotte
Laws Daniel
White William
Cook Website
of the Day
November 6, 2007 Mike
Whitney Ralph
Nader Andy
Worthington Pam
Martens Liaquat
Ali Khan William
Schroder Stephen
Lendman William
Blum Former
US Intelligence Officers
November 5, 2007 Alexander
Cockburn Russell
Mokhiber David
Macaray Gary
Leupp Dave
Lindorff Ludwig
Watzal Patrick
Cockburn Peter
Stone Brown Michael
Simmons Website
of the Day
November 3 / 4, 2007 Tariq
Ali David
Price Jeffrey
St. Clair Alan
Farago Paul
Krassner Rannie
Amiri P.
Sainath Ayesha
Ijaza Khan Robert
Fantina Seth
Sandronsky Ron
Jacobs Ramzy
Baroud Heather
Gray
November 2, 2007 Dr.
Mary Pipher Saul
Landau Andy
Worthington Sharon
Smith Gary
Leupp Gregory
Harms Christopher
Brauchli Peter
Morici Dave
Lindorff David
Penner Website
of the Day
November 1, 2007 Paul
Craig Roberts Patrick
Cockburn Dave
Lindorff Jonathan
Feldman Mike
Ferner William
S. Lind Diana
Johnstone Jacob
Hornberger A..K.
Gupta Lyuba
Zarsky / Felice
Pace Website
of the Day
October 31, 2007 Bill
Quigley Rev.
William E. Alberts Ray
McGovern Eric
Walberg V.
G. Smith Luis
J. Rodriguez Sheldon
Richman Walter
Brasch Website
of the Day
David
Price M.
Shahid Alam Andy
Worthington Patrick
Cockburn Anthony
Papa Floyd
Rudmin Sherwood
Ross Website
of the Day
October 29, 2007 Lisa
Hajjar Joe
DeRaymond Patrick
Cockburn Isabella
Kenfield / Fred
Gardner Farzana
Versey Stephen
Fleischman Marcelle
Cendrars Eamonn
McCann Martha
Rosenberg Website
of the Day
October 27 / 28, 2007 Alexander
Cockburn Jeffrey
St. Clair James
Bovard Ralph
Nader M.
Reza Pirbhai Robert
Sandels Jacob
G. Hornberger Missy
Beattie John
Ross Robert
Fantina Ron
Jacobs Ali
Moayedian David
Michael Green Poets
Basement Website
of the Day
October 26, 2007 Brian
Cloughley Saul
Landau Ahmad
Al-Akras Franklin
Lamb Mike
Whitney Dave
Lindorff Alan
Farago Yifat
Susskind Website
of the Day
Jeffrey
St. Clair / Manuel
Garcia, Jr. Paul
Craig Roberts Col.
Dan Smith Alan
Farago Chris
Kutalik Brian
McKinlay Cindy
Sheehan Website
of the Day
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December 12, 2007 Dreaming of Diplomacy, Waiting for WarThe Next Kosovo WarBy DIANA JOHNSTONE The United States and its European allies have announced that diplomacy has failed to solve the Kosovo problem. When diplomacy fails, that means war. Especially in so serious a matter as unilaterally declaring the independence of a part of another country's territory. But the next Kosovo war is supposed to be such a small, muted, insignificant war that nobody will notice. NATO is occupying the potential battlefield with over 16,000 men, backed by air power, and is poised, it says, to "avoid violence". The overwhelming military advantage of NATO may indeed prevent any eventual violence from reaching the status of a "war". The confidence that comes of wielding decisive military force has allowed the United States and its NATO allies to pursue a policy that normally would be a sure-fire formula for war. War results when the opposing parties have totally conflicting views of reality. The Albanians and Serbs have totally opposing views of the very history of the disputed province of Kosovo. The role of diplomacy is to take such conflicting views of reality into account. It means avoiding pushing one party to a dispute into a humiliating corner. It involves seeking to promote mutual respect and understanding, at least enough to accept compromise. Instead, the United States, followed by its irresponsible European allies, has from the start endorsed the extreme Albanian nationalist view, treating Serbia as a "rogue state" that does not deserve the normal protection of international law. Washington has orchestrated two rounds of totally sham "negotiations", whose conclusions it dictated from the start, on behalf of its Albanian clients. The first round took place at Rambouillet, leading to the 1999 NATO bombing of Serbia and occupation of Kosovo. The second round took place this year, leading to what could be another, more muted but longer, unpredictable conflict. Long and short sham negotiations At the end of the 1990s, the
Clinton administration was not really concerned with solving
the Kosovo problem. It wanted to solve its own NATO problem.
Its NATO problem was this: What is the use of this military
alliance, now that the Communist bloc, which it was created to
deter, no longer exists? To preserve To provide a casus belli, the Clinton administration orchestrated sham negotiations at the French château in Rambouillet. The U.S. abruptly promoted Hashim Thaqi, the head of the armed "Kosovo Liberation Army", to head the Kosovo Albanian delegation, shoving aside more reputable Albanian leaders such as Ibrahim Rugova. No direct encounters between the Serbian and Albanian delegations were even allowed. Both were ordered to accept a comprehensive plan drafted by the United States, allowing for NATO occupation of Kosovo. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright bullied Thaqi into reluctantly accepting the ultimatum, with back-stage assurances that he would eventually get his own "independent Kosova". The Serbs had agreed to the principle of autonomy of Kosovo, and their parliament had drafted a proposal--totally ignored at Rambouillet. But the Serbian delegation rejected the ultimatum, which included an annex that would have allowed NATO occupation of the whole of Serbia. This rejection was the result Ms Albright sought. On the pretext that Serbia had "refused to negotiate", NATO could wage its victorious little "humanitarian" war. This year, the world has been provided with the spectacle of much more prolonged sham negotiations. For weeks and months, the West's semi-official media have put out "news" reports that the negotiations to settle the Kosovo problem were not getting anywhere. This was not news because the negotiations were framed in such a way that they could not possibly succeed. "The Serbian and Albanian sides can't agree", the pseudo-diplomats say of their pseudo-diplomacy. They mean, the Serbian side has not agreed to the Albanian demand for an independent Kosovo. This was the only proposal with U.S. support. It amounted to yet another ultimatum to the Serbs. The Albanians knew they had the support of the United States and NATO, who are occupying Kosovo militarily. They had no incentive to bargain. They could just wait for the negotiations to fail, sure they would be given what they want by occupying Great Powers. Russia supports diplomacy and international law The West is putting the blame for this failure on Vladimir Putin. The servile press is puffing up Putin's status as the latest world class bad guy, motivated by "power" and a perverse desire to annoy the virtuous Americans. Since the Americans back the Albanian demand for independence, the Russians, out of contrariness, back the Serbian position. This is not exactly accurate.
The Serbian position is to offer very comprehensive autonomy
to Kosovo, a self-government just short of formal independence.
The Russian position is to be ready to support any agreement
reached between the two sides. In the level of principles, the contrast is not between the U.S. backing Albanian Kosovo independence and Russia backing Serbia. It is between Russia backing diplomacy and the United States backing force. A "NATO State" But how much "independence"
will Kosovo really enjoy? In private, European governments know
that Kosovo is not a viable independent state. This has been
demonstrated during eight years of international protectorate.
Kosovo's economy is almost entirely dependent on remittances
from emigrés to their families, international aid (including
Saudia Arabian mosque building projects) and flourishing crime
(drug and sex trafficking in particular). Last August, as the long round of sham negotiations got underway, Slobodan Samardzic, the Serbian minister for Kosovo, said that a Kosovo state created with the U.S. support "would only serve the interests of America and the local mafia clans." Samardzic belongs to the younger, pro-Western generation that tended to attribute the West's hostility to Serbia to Slobodan Milosevic. But Milosevic has been gone for years, and Western policy remains unchanged. Samardzic said that NATO plans to make Kosovo virtually its own territory, "a satellite, an army barracks state on foreign territory". The main source of power in Kosovo would be the huge U.S. military base, Camp Bondsteel, built immediately after NATO occupied the territory in June 1999, without asking permission from anyone. As the latest round of sham negotiations ended, Serbian prime minister Vojislav Kostunica said events prove that the real reason NATO bombed Serbia in 1999 was in order to conquer Kosovo as a "NATO puppet state". And what has Serbia been offered in return for loss of its historic territory? Merely a vague suggestion that, if it behaves, it may eventually obtain EU membership. In short, in return for losing sovereignty over Kosovo, it may be allowed to give up more of its sovereignty to the European Union. But even this is a hazy prospect. It is quite possible that Serbia could manage better economically without Kosovo, which was always the poorest and least developed part of Yugoslavia, despite massive development funds from the rest of the country. But Serbia's reasons for wanting to retain Kosovo are not economic, but moral. The West has refused to take these into account, brushing them all aside with the single argument that Serbia "lost its right" to the territory because of Milosevic's repression of Albanian separatists. More realistically, NATO "won its right" to dispose of Kosovo by bombing Serbia. The Western argument comes down to might makes right, or rather, superior might makes right. Serbia's case The Serbian reasons to reject Kosovo's secession are legal and moral: 1. International law. Even
after NATO bombed Serbia into allowing Kosovo to be occupied,
its sovereignty over the province was officially confirmed under
international law. As the one-sided war ended, the United Nations
Security Council adopted Resolution 1244 which reaffirmed "the
commitment of all Member States to the sovereignty and territorial
integrity" of Yugoslavia, of which Serbia is the successor
State. Resolution 1244, which remains the existing basis for
the legal status of Kosovo, also speaks of "substantial
autonomy and meaningful self-administration"--which is what
Serbia has agreed to and proposed. It does not speak
of independence. 2. The impossibility of abandoning
the Serbian minority to almost certain persecution and expulsion.
Nor can Serbia abandon its historic monuments, the precious medieval
monasteries of Decani, Gracanica, Pec and many others. This last reason, which may
be the strongest of all, is virtually invisible to Americans
and Europeans who have swallowed whole the official line of wicked
Serbs persecuting innocent Albanians, in willful ignorance of
the complexities of history and culture of the region. Dreaming of what might have been Even after the disaster of NATO bombing and occupation of Kosovo made the situation far worse, by exacerbating hostility between the Albanian and Serbian communities to the boiling point, diplomacy might have been able to play a constructive role. That would simply require a bit of good will and constructive imagination--qualities to which current U.S. leaders do not even aspire, preferring to rely on the iron fist. Let us imagine that the United States had not managed to subvert the peace-making functions of international organizations such as the OSCE and the United Nations. Let us imagine the existence of a real "international community", which could give serious backing to diplomatic efforts to find a compromise solution for Kosovo. Instead of uniting a "Troika" made up of the United States, the European Union and Russia, let us suppose that India, China and Brazil could appoint a group of diplomats, for instance, former ambassadors to Yugoslavia (including, perhaps, both the former East and West German ambassadors to pre-disintegration Yugoslavia, former Canadian ambassador James Bissett and former British ambassador Ivor Roberts, as well as former ambassadors from non-European countries) to facilitate open-ended negotiations between Serbs and Albanians. There would be no preconditions except one: the negotiations would last until the two parties agreed to a compromise solution. My own personal belief is that genuine, patient negotiations could arrive at some sort of overall agreement involving border changes and partition, as well as some sort of union between the secessionist Albanian part of Kosovo and Albania itself. The arguments for such a solution are overwhelming, and have been stated most convincingly by Dobrica Cosic, Serbia's most distinguished novelist and a former President of Yugoslavia, well before the Kosovo problem exploded into armed conflict in 1998-99. It is true that both the Albanian and Serbian sides reject partition, more or less vehemently. But that is natural at the start of negotiations. The Albanians adamantly demand all of Kosovo within its present borders. This demand is supported by the United States, which also insists that there be no union between Kosovo and Albania. This is the point on which some compromise could be worked out. Serbia's position has been to offer a degree of autonomy that would in fact be tantamount to total internal independence. This is understandable as a bargaining position, but it is hard to see how it would be favorable to Serbia itself. Serbia would risk bearing a financial burden for a territory over which it exercises no control. On the other hand, the Albanians' expectations for independence, and most of all, the hatred they foster for Serbia, makes a return to Serbian rule impossible in practical terms. Moreover, Serbia has one of Europe's lowest birth rates, while Kosovo Albanians have the highest. After being outnumbered by Albanians in Kosovo, Serbs might eventually be outnumbered by Albanians in Serbia. The welfare of both Serbs and Albanians could be ensured best by an overall agreement to end the hostilities between the two populations, something that clearly has not been accomplished in eight years of U.N.-NATO protectorate. This should involve some territorial rearrangements, as well as economic and cultural agreements between the parties concerned. Neighboring countries should also be brought into the negotiations. Agreements should be made on the basis of practical realities, not on presumptions of "guilt" and "innocence". Finally, identity needs to be detached from particular territories and particular events. Future generations of Serbs and Albanians must be able to live their lives freed from the burdens of past resentments and ancestral vendettas. Diana Johnstone is the author of Fools' Crusade: Yugoslavia, NATO and
Western Delusions,
Monthly Review Press. She can be reached at diana.josto@yahoo.fr ![]()
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