|
Recent
Stories
May
1, 2003
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Santorum: That's Latin for Asshole
Iain
Boal
A May Day Message to the FCC: "We
Are Many; They are Few"
Diana
Johnstone
About Cuba
Sam
Hamod
Killings at Al Fallujah, City of Mosques
Veteran
Intelligence Professionals for Sanity
Intelligence Fiasco
Lee Sustar
Greed Air: Airline Workers Agree to Pay Cuts, While Bosses Stuff
Their Pockets
Peter
Linebaugh
May Day at Kut and Kenthal
Stew Albert
Straight Shooters
Steve
Perry
Bush's War Web Log 5/01
Website
of the Day
South Bay Mobilization
April
30, 2003
Ashley
Smith
Under Uncle Sam's Thumb: a History
of Washington's Occupations
Steve
Perry
Bush's War Web Log 4/30
Gary
Leupp
Shooting Schoolboys: Preliminary Thoughts on the Fallujah Massacre
Robert
Jensen
Fighting Alienation in the USA
Wayne
Madsen
The Four Horsemen of Propaganda
Ahmad
Faruqui
Bush's Strategic Myopia About the Middle East
Gabriel
Kolko
Iraq, the US and the End of the European Coalition
Adolfo
Perez Esquivel
A Nobel Laureat's Letter to Bush:
"You Talk of Freedom; You Detest Freedom"
April
29, 2003
Gary
Leupp
Disorder and Opportunity: the Results
of the Iraq War
Uri
Avnery
Don't Envy Abu-Mazen
Anthony
Gancarski
Brush with the Law
Mickey
Z.
POWs: Then and Now
CounterPunch
Wire
How to Spin Israel on the Hill: Internal Lobbying Documents
Robert
Fisk
Did the US Murder Journalists?
Chris
Floyd
Bush Telegraphs His Punches on Syria
Wayne Madsen
About Those Iraqi Intelligence Documents
Wallace
Gagne
Pilgrimage or Demolition Derby?
Eliot Katz
Playing Catch with Cracked Globes
Steve
Perry
Bush's War Web Log 4/29
April
28, 2003
Ann
Harrison
Fighting Back: Medical Marijuana
Patients Sue Ashcroft
Robert
Jensen
Lack of WMD Kills the Case for War
Peter Phillips
Total Information Control
Ron
Jacobs
Get the US Out of Iraq and Its Military Out of Our Minds
Mark Hand
Peace Park: The Pentagon Solution
to a Baseball Stadium Dilemma
Linda
S. Heard
Repeat After Me: Iraq is Weapons Free
Kurt Nimmo
US Military Bases: the Spoils and
Deceptions of War
Steve
Perry
Bush's War Web Log 4/28
April
26 / 27, 2003
Elaine
Cassel
The Other War: Bush, Ashcroft and
the End of Civil Liberties
Saul
Landau
Iraq War: a Policy of Christian and Jewish Fundamentalism
William
A. Cook
Sharon Recruits US as Mercenaries Against Syria
William
S. Lind
Now the Real War Starts
John Chuckman
In Jesus's Name:
Franklin Graham's Christian Empire
David
MacMichael and Ray McGovern
Ex-CIA Analysts on WMD: Where? Find?
Plant?
Gary Leupp
Why the War on Iraq was (and Remains) Wrong
Robert
Sandels
Cuba Crackdown: a Revolt Against Bush's National Security Strategy?
CounterPunch
Wire
An Open Letter to Jerry Brown on Oakland Police Violence Against
Peace Activists and Dock Workers
Mickey
Z.
Our Ba'athists
Anthony
Gancarski
Nader Plays Pullman
Scott
Handleman
The Mumia Abu-Jamal Case in Its True Colors
Claud Cockburn
Evelyn Waugh's Ear Trumpet
Poets'
Basement
Matt Simon, Sam Hamod, Hammond Guthrie and Stew Albert
Steve
Perry
Bush's War Web Log 4/26
April
25, 2003
David
Vest
It's Not the Oil; It's the Art!
Steven
Higgs
All About Tucker Carlson
Walt
Brasch
The Shock and Awe of American Ignorance
Alexander
Cockburn
The Decline of American Journalism:
the Case of Judy Miller
Zeynep
Toufe
A Letter to the People of Iraq from an Anti-War Activist
CounterPunch
Wire
Season of the Witch: Jeane Kirkpatrick Unbound
Hammond
Guthrie
Springtime in Iraq
Steve
Perry
Bush's War Web Log 4/25
Website
of the Day
Having
a Great Time, Wish You Were Here: Postcards from a War
April
24, 2003
Lois
Whitman
An Open Letter to Rumsfeld on the
Child Detainees at Guantanamo
Uri
Avnery
Abu vs. Abu: It's Not About Egos
David
Lindorff
Day Care in the Name of National Security? About Those Kids in
Camp X-Ray
John Grebe
Rev. Pat Robertson's Message in the Temple
Dokhi
Fassihian
Monster.Com: Ethnic Cleansing on the Web?
CounterPunch
Wire
Israeli Army Chief Threatens Peace Activists
Sam
Hamod
Our Man in Baghdad
Annie
C. Higgins
Do You Regret Being an American?
Harold
A. Gould
Will They Hate Us Forever?
Stew Albert
Big Brother in Bed
Steve
Perry
Bush's War Web Log 4/24
Website
of the Day
Muscles
Abroad
April
23, 2003
Anthony
Gancarski
When Young Mothers Die in Combat
Chris
Floyd
Desolation Row: Bush's Barbarians Teach
by Example
Marjorie
Cohn
Tax the War Profiteers
William
Lind
The Fourth Generation of Modern War
Dave Marsh
Nina Simone: Freedom Singer
Binoy
Kampmark
Malayasia's America: the War on Iraq
David Vest
Who's Looting Whom?
Standard
Shaefer
Super Imperialism: an Interview with Michael Hudson
Andrew
Rodman
Lawn Poem
Steve
Perry
Bush's War Web Log 4/23
Website
of the Day
Weapons of Mass Destruction in the Middle East
April
22, 2003
Edward
Said
The Appalling Consequences of the Iraq
War are Now Clear
Sam
Hamod
What's the Deal with This War?
Kurt
Nimmo
Shi'a Will to Power
Gary
Leupp
At last! The Necessary Evidence
Carl
Estabrook
Oblivious Americans: They Distort,
We Subside
John
Stanton
Iran's Reza Pahlavi: a Puppet of the US and Israel?
Ramzy
Baroud
What Else Hasn't Israel Told America?
Steven
Sherman
About That Cuba Letter
Wayne Madsen
Bush's "Christian" Blood Cult
Stew
Albert
Creep
Steve
Perry
Bush's War Web Log 4/22
Website
of the Day
Critical Media Literacy in Times of War
April
21, 2003
Elaine
Cassel
An Administration in Contempt
Gary
Leupp
Easter Thoughts on Liberation, Jesus
and Kanaka WaiWai
Roger
Witherspoon
Why Michigan Needs Affirmative Action
Uri Avnery
At Midnight, a Knock on the Door
Col. Dan
Smith
Early Lessons from Iraq
Jo
Freeman
After the Protest Comes Politics
Michael
Berry
The Friedman Absurdities
Gray
Brechin
Hang Black Banners: Mourning the Cultural Loss
Bob Riedel
The Taliban from Texas
Steve
Perry
Bush's War Web Log 4/21
April
19, 2003
Gary
Leupp
The Rape of History
Saul
Landau
Shop, Go to Church, Support Bush's
War, Wait for Armageddon
Michael
J. Fellows
Off With Their Heads: the Constitution According to Scalia
Pablo
Mukherjee
Roadmap to Resistance
Omar
Barghouti
Sharon's Bloody Beat
Anthony
Gancarski
Tony Blair: the Most Powerful Man in the World
Mickey
Z.
Animals: the Other Collateral Damage
Will
Potter
When Police Attack Journalists
William
MacDougall
America's In-Bedded Journalism
Neve
Gordon
Haunted by History
Adam
Engel
Wal-Mart and Peace
Dr.
Susan Block
Art Bombs: American Libertines for Peace
Poets'
Basement
Albert, Buono, Guthrie
Steve
Perry
War Web Log 4/19
Song of
the Weekend
Baghdad to Basra
April
18, 2003
Uri
Avnery
Operation "Syrian Freedom":
This One's Not About Oil
Jorge
Mariscal
"They Died Trying to Become
Students": the Future of Latinos in an Era of War and Occupation
Mickey
Z:
Coalition of the Unindicted: Only Losers Get Tried for War Crimes
Hussein
Ibish
Syria and the Road to World War IV
Reza Ladjevardian
Tarqeting Iran? Do It With TV, Not Cruise Missiles
Matania
Ben-Artzi
You Are Not Protecting My Son's Rights: a Letter to the President
of Israel's Supreme Court
Bruce Jackson
Jews Like Us
Joe
Allen
My Lai Revisited
Carl Estabrook
Support Our Euphemism
Steve
Perry
War Web Log 4/18
Website
of the Day
Meet the Victims of War
April
17, 2003
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Patriot Gore: the Fatal Flaws in
the Patriot Missile System
Joanne
Mariner
Looting Antiquity: the Legal Implications
for the Pentagon
Issam
Nashashibi
Zalmay Khalilzad: the Neocon's Bagman
to Baghdad
Wayne Madsen
Another Sign of the "End Times" for American Journalism
Robert
Fisk
The Army of Occupation
Boris
Kagarlitsky
Virtual Saddam Takes Aim
Biljana
Vankovska
A Personal View of Iraq: Where
is the Truth?
Dan Brook
Oil War: Fueling the Empire
Stanley
Heller
Bomb and Steal: This is What Privatization Looks Like
Tim Robbins
A Chill Wind is Blowing Through This Nation
Harold
A. Gould
Iraq After the War
Steve
Perry
War Web Log 4/17
Hot Stories
Elaine
Cassel
Civil Liberties
Watch
Michel
Guerrin
Embedded Photographer Says: "I
Saw Marines Kill Civilians"
Uzma
Aslam Khan
The Unbearably Grim Aftermath of War:
What America Says Does Not Go
Paul de Rooij
Arrogant
Propaganda
Gore Vidal
The
Erosion of the American Dream
Francis Boyle
Impeach
Bush: A Draft Resolution
Click Here
for More Stories.
|
May 2,
2003
What Should Progressives
Think & Do?
The Cuba Conundrum
By SAUL LANDAU
"What is Fidel doing?" asks
a Mexican American who has supported the Cuban revolution for
decades.
While US bombs and Cruise Missiles rained down
on Iraqis and Bradley fighting vehicles blew away their opponents
and lots of civilians, the Cuban government tried 75 "dissidents"
and sentenced them to long terms.
While US forces occupied Iraq and soldiers
fired into crowds at Mosul, killing 10 and wounding 100, the
Cuban government arrested several boat hijackers, summarily tried
them and executed three of them.
As a result of these two separate, yet
judgmentally connected actions, Cuba has lost more progressive
intellectual friends than it has since the infamous 1971 case
of Heberto Padilla, the Cuban poet detained for 38 days for something
he wrote, said, thought or who knows?
On April 14, Nobel Prize winning novelist
Jose Saramago of Portugal wrote an open letter in El Pais.
"Cuba has won no victory by executing these three men, but
it has lost my confidence, damaged my hopes, robbed me of my
illusions."
Eduardo Galeano, the soul of Latin American
resistance, wrote in the April 18, La Jornada that "Cuba
hurts," describing his feeling over the jailing of people
for their ideas and lightning application of the death penalty.
When Cuba executed the boat jackers on
April 11, I felt the kind of pain Galeano referred to. I cannot
justify the death penalty. I cannot invent reasons for its swift
application.
Some US leftists joined others around
the world in petitions criticizing Cuba's actions and in the
April 20 Opinion section of the Los Angeles Times the
prestigious Mexican novelist Carlos Fuentes reiterated his opposition
to Cuba's undemocratic government--while opposing Bush at the
same time. We should assume that most of the people on the left
who have recently criticized Cuba have done so for noble motives.
For many honest progressive and revolutionaries, Cuba has represented
one of the few sources of hope, even at those times when Cuban
leaders made judgments that we disagreed with.
Because of the extraordinary accomplishments
of the Cuban revolution, including its leading role in affirming
the mostly forgotten UN Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights, every progressive worth a salt has invested some part
of his or her soul in that process.
What Cuba has yet to do in the two separate
causes (arrests and executions) is present the pertinent facts
and reasons for arresting and condemning people whose organizations
it had penetrated and controlled and explain why it had to execute
with lightning speed the boat-jackers.
Similarly, those quick to condemn Cuba
might study more carefully the facts of the cases as well. The
"dissidents," who defined themselves as economists,
journalists and human rights activists did not face trial for
expressing dissenting opinions--at least not formally. The Cuban
government accused them of working with and taking money (or
gifts and services) from the US Government in order, in the words
of Cuba's Ambassador to Canada, "to destabilize the country,
undermine and destroy Cuba's Constitutional order, its Government,
its independence and its Socialist society."
Yes, Cuba has made it illegal to work
with the United States to subvert the Cuban government. Having
affirmed that right of self defense, as would any state in the
world, Cuba should present all the necessary facts and analysis.
We know that US diplomats openly promoted the weakening of the
Cuban government. James Cason, the head of the US Interest Section
in Havana organized Cuban citizens--and paid them small sums
or gave them gifts and services--to promote "dissidence."
So what's new? For forty four plus years,
Washington has tried every criminal method short of direct US
military invasion to destroy Cuba's revolution. The US government
has wreaked havoc on Cuba's social and economic order and Cubans
have every right to suspect the US government of the most malicious
motives.
But why did the Cuban government bother
to arrest and prosecute people whose actions they monitored so
closely? State security agents had not only infiltrated, but
had actually set up some of the "dissident" organizations.
The infiltrators had not only won the trust of Cason, but had
gained access to the US Interest Section and to the homes of
the leading US diplomats. So why bust these people whose national
following did not amount to any significant public, whose internal
reputation was a joke, and whose political coherence depended
on handouts from the US government--or on ideas generated by
Cuban agents, some of whose opinion pieces appeared in the Miami
Herald?
Cuba has not answered this question.
I can imagine, however, that Cuban leaders might claim that after
Iraq, the imperialists now possess the will to try to crush any
country. And members of the policy elite have stated that they
do not consider Cuba off limits for military attack.
Suppose, six months before the 2004 elections,
the US economy remains stalled and Republican planners decide
that Bush needs another "win." Given the enthusiasm
of the Castro-hating Florida Cubans for such an idea, Bush might
well make the island his target -- if he saw even a shred of
vulnerability in Cuba's defenses.
For example, the 10,000 plus Cubans who
signed a US-backed "Varela Project" petition demanding
basic reforms could become a dangerous symbol under such conditions.
Did Fidel fear that Washington would take the veneer of "dissident"
success as a sign of the revolution's weakness and then pursue
a military course to provoke Cuban leaders to surface twelve
of the agents they had masterfully planted inside the "dissident"
organizations?
"See, 10,000 signatures collected
in a totalitarian state. In addition to their biological weapons,
we now have evidence of deep-seated discontent," Bush might
say as a prelude to whipping up invasion spirit. After all, he
used such exaggerations to prepare the public for the invasion
of Iraq. Indeed, Cuban officials may have feared that the "dissidents"--no
matter how well penetrated -- could convert themselves into at
least a symbolic "fifth column" on the island, while
Washington tightened the embargo and travel ban to create outside
pressure on Cuba's weak economy.
Also, buying "dissidents" with
small amounts of money could end up corrupting a less manageable
sector, enough perhaps to offer orchestrated TV cameras images
of crowds welcoming US marines.
Cuban leaders must have sensed some overt
threat before taking such drastic steps. A new migration crisis
that Bush could use as a pretext that Cuba was encroaching on
US national security? A military provocation around Guantanamo?
I await the revelation of the facts.
Those in Washington who know the island's
realities would discourage such aggressive plans. But suppose
Fidel worried that the Bushies might believe in their own inventions?
Fantasies that Cubans are defiantly rising in the thousands--as
one hears on some of the hysterical shows on Miami radio -- could
well lead to calls for serious invasion scenarios.
In addition, high level US officials
and Radio Marti have for months repeated the baseless charge
that Cuba has bio-terrorism weapons and harbors terrorists. Indeed,
in Miami, where anti-Castro terrorists walk proudly down the
streets or sit with the President on his platform, pro-war demonstrators
carried placards equating Fidel with Saddam Hussein. Given the
success of Bush's spin linking Saddam to 9/11, who knows what
polls would show about percentages of gullible Americans falling
for propaganda that promoted "the invasion of Cuba as a
way of securing the US homeland."
So, it's possible that Cuba's jailing
and harsh sentencing of "dissidents" and executing
of hijackers derives from military crisis not normal political
thinking. As a result of the lessons taught by the sentences
of the "dissidents" and the hijackers, Cubans will
less likely accept gifts from dubious sources.
If this analysis is correct, will Cubans
try to repair the political damage done in their military mode?
Perhaps, they might make public the basis for their actions rather
than repeat accusations and demand blind solidarity. Such revelations
would hardly justify their use of the death penalty, but at least
it would help explain their behavior to bewildered comrades throughout
the world.
Many left critics of the procedural issues
surrounding the "dissidents" case have not properly
informed themselves of the intricacies of Cuba's legal system.
For example, most of the accused did have the right to choose
their lawyers or received court appointed defense if they did
not make a choice. They did know exactly what charges Cuba leveled
against them. Cuba did not hold secret trials. Indeed, the relatives
of the accused and other observers sat through the proceedings.
Yes, in accordance with Cuban law, the
"dissidents" received summary trials. But this does
not automatically deprive them of their procedural rights. The
Cuban defense lawyers work with the prosecutors on the indictment
and if there are holes, the defense lawyers inform the judges,
who should then dismiss the cases. The Napoleonic-Spanish system!
The government had airtight cases that the accused had taken
money, goods and services from the arch enemy of Cuba and had
performed anti government acts writing, speaking and publishing--that
the US government promoted.
But to dismiss the 75 as simply traitors
hardly suffices. Military thinking produces absolutes that in
turn leads to a serious political downside. As Galeano indicates,
by trying and condemning them, Cuba turned "groups which
openly worked from James Cason's house, the representative of
Bush's interests in Havana, into martyrs of freedom of expression."
Indeed, as Cuba's security agents testified, with no refutation
from the United States, Cason actually established a political
party (the youth section of Miami-based Carlos Alberto Montaner's
Liberal Cuban Party. In fact, some of the "dissident"
money came from sources like Montaner, who received grants from
US government agencies).
By bagging these pathetic people Galeano
concludes that the "Cuban authorities have paid homage to
them, and have granted them the prestige that prohibited thoughts
acquire." The Uruguayan writer continues. "This `democratic
opposition' has nothing to do with the genuine expectations of
honest Cubans. If the revolution hadn't done it the favor of
repressing it, and if in Cuba there was full freedom of press
and of opinion, this so-called dissidence would disqualify itself.
And it would get the punishment it deserves, the chastisement
of loneliness, for its notorious nostalgia of colonial times
in a country which has chosen the way of national dignity."
Even those defending the actions fail
to answer the criticism. In the April 12, La Jiribilla
Angel Guerra refers to "the Bush doctrine of `preemptive
war' and the preparations for aggression against Iraq, justified
with any lie and invoking the right of the United State to bring
about "regime change" wherever and whenever it considered
it necessary. Why not in Cuba, which after all appears on all
the inquisitional lists of the State Department, among them the
list of countries that sponsor terrorism and, of course, the
countries that systematically violate human rights?"
Guerra also cites "the Miami mafia,
leading a mobilized mob last Sunday in support of the intervention
against Baghdad, which raised the cry, 'Iraq today, Cuba tomorrow.'
Four words that reveal exactly the purpose that today determines
their actions as well as those of their satellites on the Island,
even if they disguise themselves as independent journalists or
human rights defenders."
"The issue would not deserve any
comment," Guerra continues, "if it were not for the
extraordinary influence the terrorist group in Miami has in defining
Washington's political agenda toward the Island."
"These events are not fortuitous,"
he concludes, "but are the product of Bush administration
complicity with the Miami mafia, determined to fish in troubled
waters."
Carlos Fernandez de Cossio, Cuba's Ambassador
to Canada, wrote in the April 10 Globe and Mail that Cuba's
critics employed "double standards." True, but this
does not address what Cuba did. If Cuba's behavior derived from
security fears, then Cuban officials should confront that issue
and explain their actions accordingly.
He points correctly in his letter to
"abuses of Afghans, Arabs and citizens from different countries
detained in Guantanamo base in Cuba. No secret military trial
like the ones established in the United States has been nor can
be carried out in Cuba. There do not exist thousands of detainees
still ignorant of the charges against them and whose names have
not been released in totality, as is happening in the United
States since September 11, 2001. None of the individuals tried
in Cuba have been submitted to solitary confinement, to psychological
torture or cruel separation from their families like the five
Cuban unjustly suffering prison in the United States."
True, but most of the leftists critics
strongly opposed US procedural violations in the very cases he
cited. US officials reach new heights of hypocrisy when they
try to smear Cuba's human rights record. Can one conceive of
a more gross human rights violation than waging aggressive war?
Or compare the trials of the "dissidents"
to that of the five Cubans tried and sentenced in Florida (the
five had infiltrated US-based anti-Castro terrorist groups because
the FBI did not stop their terrorism. The government charged
them with espionage and sentenced them to long terms) and you'll
conclude that Cuba offered more procedural rights than the US
did. As Fernandez de Cossio asserts, the five "are still
waiting to read over 50 per cent of the documentation used to
incriminate them because it was declared secret."
Critics on the left do not question Cuba's
right to protect itself from the US monster. Most of the leftist
signatories to the protest letters would agree that the United
States has all but shredded international law and the UN in its
latest criminal capers in Iraq.
But the Cuban government didn't adequately
explain its rationale; indeed, it practically shouted at its
critical friends and enemies alike with shrillness, as if everyone
should understand what no one explained.
In so behaving, it handed its enemies
the public relations chance of a decade: Cuba imprisons its dissenters
and summarily executes people. As Galeano wrote "freedom
and justice march together or they don't march."
In 1960, when I first visited Cuba, I
felt that the revolutionary spirit had changed my life, provided
me with reason and inspiration to seek justice. I agree with
Galeano that over the decades "the revolution has lost the
wind of spontaneity and freshness that has driven her from the
start. I say it with pain. Cuba hurts."
Yet, after forty plus years, I still
look to the island as a place from which superior, not inferior
forms of human behavior will arise. I dismiss the puerile criticisms
of Cuba from US government hacks who have made careers of creating
dictators in the third world, and who possess the moral authority
of a flea.
Speaking of moral fleas, George "Death
Penalty" Bush as Governor of Texas celebrated 152 executions.
He can teach a "how to do it" course on that subject.
So Cuba rightfully dismisses W's judgments, but it should not
dismiss as enemies those progressives who felt appalled over
the execution of the boat-jackers. They are appealing to Cuba's
conscience. Can the death penalty coexist with a moral socialism?
The critics may have signed petitions without possessing the
necessary facts, but that in and of itself is not sufficient
reason to deride honest people who abhor the death penalty and
question trials of people whose crimes consisted of writing and
speaking--no matter in whose interest or that they took money.
George W. Bush's name may engrave itself
in history's pages as the first fascist president. Fidel Castro
has already entered the history books as the man who led the
Cuban people from the marginality of informal US colonial status
to a heroic role in world history. The Cuban Revolution has made
its mark. It has no reason--no matter how real the threat --
to turn its back on friends and supporters who criticize specific
actions from principled positions.
Cuba may well be a viable target of the
Bush fascists. In such circumstances, shouldn't revolutionary
Cubans maintain dialogue with honest progressives who disagree
with jailing "dissidents" and carrying out the death
penalty? And shouldn't the progressives keep their lines open
as well?
Saul Landau's
film IRAQ: VOICES FROM THE STREETS is distributed by Cinema Guild,
800-723-5522. He teaches at Cal Poly Pomona University and is
a fellow of the Institute for Policy Studies. He can be reached
at: landau@counterpunch.org
Today's
Features
Jeffrey
St. Clair
Santorum: That's Latin for Asshole
Iain
Boal
A May Day Message to the FCC: "We
Are Many; They are Few"
Diana
Johnstone
About Cuba
Sam
Hamod
Killings at Al Fallujah, City of Mosques
Veteran
Intelligence Professionals for Sanity
Intelligence Fiasco
Lee Sustar
Greed Air: Airline Workers Agree to Pay Cuts, While Bosses Stuff
Their Pockets
Peter
Linebaugh
May Day at Kut and Kenthal
Stew Albert
Straight Shooters
Steve
Perry
Bush's War Web Log 5/01
Website
of the Day
South Bay Mobilization
Keep CounterPunch
Alive:
Make
a Tax-Deductible Donation Today Online!
home / subscribe
/ about us / books
/ archives / search
/ links /
|