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July
17, 2003
Third Ways and Worlds
Lula
at the Progressive Governance Conference
By NORMAN MADARASZ
On the weekend of July 11-13, London was host
to the most recent conference on "Progressive Governance"--better
known as the 'third way'. The meeting gathered five hundred political
leaders, diplomats and intellectuals to discuss the state of
the center-left in European politics mainly. To distinguish itself,
its organizers invited the international socialist's man of the
year, Brazil's President Lula da Silva.
The 'third way' was forged by British
sociologist, Anthony Giddens, lead thinker behind Tony Blair's
formerly recast New Labour Party. "Advocates of the third
way desire a market economy without wanting the values of a market
society" is how the British Prime Minister put it at the
November 1999 meeting in Florence. It was a brighter time for
the movement. Social democratic parties were governing in most
of Western Europe and North America.
Where Giddens actually built a theoretical
edifice exalting the notion, Blair's spin doctors used it as
the main marketing device to boost him to power. Its catchy bisexual-hip
coated the transformed and gutted 'Old' Labour with the legitimacy
of contemporary pertinence. During Blair's first term, international
meetings on the matter were held in Europe, with Bill Clinton,
Holland's Wim Kok and Portugual's Antonio Guterres all attending.
Even France's Lionel Jospin got himself an invitation despite
being snubbed by Blair at a photo-op for the 1997 European Union
meeting. It seems that the former French Prime Minister was too
leftwing for Mr. Blair's taste.
Given the setbacks of the past two years,
speakers were bound to trade hopes amidst much talk on what is
possible and desirable. Denials also abound about the extent
to which the current American government expects submission of
the center-left when it is actually governing, and subjection
when not. Its protagonists have taken the opportunity to tell
the world that nothing had changed in the conception, though
very much has changed in the world.
When times are down, optimism is often
a virtue. Even were Blair not under attack, it's questionable
whether anyone was really listening. The fact remains that the
center-left is on the retreat. European leaders today are mainly
center or rightwing conservatives, with Aznar and Berlusconi
clearly tugging toward the extreme. How Blair escapes being called
anything but their counterpart can be thanked to the English's
legendary politeness.
POPULATIONS ARE DEMANDING
Electoral defeats have seen the center-left
drawing back from two directions. It has yielded to conservatism
just at the moment when the right has surged forth to accomplish
its interest-group policies, both domestically and internationally.
Meanwhile the center-left has frantically reversed motion from
its own populations. In countless countries, the establishment
is confronted with populations striving for greater representation,
more equitable policies and fuller governance in their own name.
February 15, 2003 is not a date center-left leaders shall soon
forget.
In confrontation to this recent popular
push, the cynicism of the third way agenda is particularly blaring.
Local and grassroots socialist leaders are quickly dismissed
as 'populists' showing little regard for the rule of law and
democracy. Yet wherever third way leaders govern in the G7, they
have catered to satisfying high finance first and foremost. Throughout
the 1990s, the doctrine of globalization was replete with the
idiom of inevitability. Still, some conference guests, like Goren
Persson from Progressive Europe, maintain that "the world
has probably never been a better place to live in than it is
today. The average citizen is richer, more people live in democracies,
and peoples' life chances are greater than ever before."
If this is the third way dictum, what
do we observe from the record? That reality proveS otherwise.
More people are unemployed proportionately than 30 years ago.
The average G7 citizen is barely as rich as then, while concentration
of wealth has skyrocketed in most countries, foremost among them
the US and UK. As for the self-proclaimed glories of the education
system: tuition fees are up everywhere and position hiring dramatically
sparse in any field. Contract work and the freelancer rule the
day with their job insecurity and over-employed stress. When
professional ambitions are other than being a MBA manager or
systems analyst, then few are those who may comfortably assert
that life chances are greater.
All this occurs in the context of today's
sacrosanct democracies. As for those most defending this social
system, life expectancy has certainly risen, which in turn has
made the elderly generation the consumer society's jackpot. At
the same time, this silent majority of the increasingly elderly
has cast their vote for the disappearance of the welfare state.
In that measure, conference participant Gøsta Esping-Andersen
surprises no one when observing that "the bulk of redistribution
[of welfare states] is geared towards the elderly whilst little
is invested in children and young people." As long as the
stock market and 401(k) plans worked well as repositories for
savings, who would or could avoid using them?
Amidst the conflicting messages that
just don't make good TV, the big secret is that the Developing
World, after a decade of being preached at to adopt financial
and fiscal policies of center-left "globalization"
principles is tilting with tremors. Last week, the United Nations
Human Development Index reminded the interested of the circumstances:
poverty has risen throughout the decade explosively in its reality
and in the violence it has wrought.
GUEST OF HONOUR
This is why the progressive governance
conference could not miss out having Brazilian President Lula
da Silva lend it a light of legitimacy. For the President, it
signaled yet another true turn. He had to publish his speech
in The Guardian to insist that "political realism
must not be taken as a justification to abandon the dreams that
lie at the foundation of the thinking of the left." Yet
the Brazilian PT has no excuse about not understanding the conformist
pressure awaiting it upon reaching power. Regarding the ideological
fantasies of the third way, one of the Brazilian Workers' Party's
most illustrious philosophers and activists, Marilena Chaui had
already delivered a decisive critique in 1999.
Chaui's target was then-president Fernando
Henrique Cardoso and post-Seattle Northern protectionist trade
policies. The third way had merely legitimated the inevitability
of local politics and social issues taking second place to international
trade and capital flow. Observing the third way refrain on the
end of the class struggle, she hammered in how its advocates
mistook the "geopolitics of the Cold War with the class
division established by capitalism, inferring that just because
the first has ended, the latter must come to pass".
Chaui, moreover, uncovered the dubious
history of the term. Far from being an offshoot of the 'left',
it was "used by fascism to indicate an economic, social
and political project and program that sought to be equally distant
from liberalism and socialism/communism." From its founding
texts, the aims of the third way were crystal clear. Do away
with the worker. Bid farewell to classes. Call for individual
self-initiative and the streamlining of the State to basically
rid it of individual and collective responsibility. Promote a
'mixed' economy through the privatization of collective wealth.
Despite the position his party held when
in the opposition, Lula chose to attend the meeting. Yet even
before his appearance on July 13, and then on July 14 at the
London School of Economics, London's brightest and best were
trying to redeem their fallen idol, Blair, by crowning Lula as
the head of an absurd derivation: the "New PT (Workers
Party)". Brazilians are famed for their sense of humor,
but back home the appellation exudes the distinctive smell of
a set-up.
In the 1990s, the third way sought legitimacy
by outreaching to the developing world. The only representative
of a so-called emerging market then was Brazil's President Fernando
Henrique Cardoso. He stood as the perfect example of the soundness
of its principles as he drove his country into financial crisis.
It was done perhaps naively, but given the nature of the beast,
Brazil, it resulted most likely from a calculation that no matter
what change could be fostered, dire consequences would follow.
Follow they did: shortly after Brazil's 2002 World Cup victory,
the second economic crisis under Cardoso's tenure tore the value
of the national currency down even more dramatically than what
had occurred in January 1998, at the beginning of his second
term in office.
Newer progressive voices, however, have
sought damage control. Bill Clinton seems to be pressuring the
IMF to alter its austerity parameters. Peter Hain, the increasingly
outspoken leader of the Commons, stated to BBC2 that "we've
got to be much clearer that we really are committed to social
justice and redistribution of wealth and income." One wonders
what has kept this from being the message all along.
Whatever the reason for the communication
breakdown, the lack of trade union representation seemed to reinforce
the point. Old labor, deemed by Hain as "economically unsuccessful"
might not attract dreary old rock stars to give promotional sound
bytes, but it's the voice of the people. And it's the voice that
the third way's legitimizing of capitalism's tender side has
done nothing but beat into exclusion. In that sense, Giddens
is being facile when suggesting that "in Europe, the right
has been opportunistically propelled back to government largely
on the back of a wave of far-right populism." As in France,
the right returned due to the center-left's hindering of the
popular will to accomplish its broader ambitions for reform.
Most third way States within the European Union have remained
aristocratic institutions.
The 'worker' is a category that has been
erased from third way-like discourses. Decades ago, Westerners
were told they were a huge middle class. Nowadays, the only type
of worker around is a white collar office worker: a 'knowledge
worker'. It is no small irony that in the age of State abandonment
of its commitment to public education, knowledge has become such
a hot commodity. Evidently, knowledge has been trickled down
to information as if it were yet another cartel property.
President Lula may have no option but
to confront this situation. But for the record, the third way
is the European Union protectionist way itself where it hurts
countries like Brazil most: agriculture and manufacturing. Lula
let this clearly be known. So it's hasty to misunderstand the
nature of Lula's political s pin--in a class of liars, the honest
man is only a victim. He knows full well that no invitations
would be forthcoming from the North were he to stumble like Venezuela's
Chavez. Meanwhile, the Conference and London School of Economics
have elected him to be their icon.
DISTORTING THE PT
AGENDA
Anthony Hall, professor at the Social
Policy Department of the London School, tried to jump the gun
by citing Lula's adoption of market standards as indicative of
a general movement within the PT --akin to what gave British
Labour a new skin. The PT is dead, long live the New PT. If
this strikes readers as the worst case of short-sighted British
intellectualism, they are not the only ones. Back home, any basis
for the claim has been hotly denied by Lula's main advisors.
If it's style that dictates trends, a
buzzword is known to be short-lasting. As the Folha de Sao
Paulo reported on July 6, Professor Francisco Panizza of
the London School's Department of Government, maintains that
"Lula may not like it, but he has been converted into the
third way's biggest poster boy." To Panizza's credit, Lula
has certainly demonstrated a versatility making him unique on
the world's political stage. He's able to talk to ordinary people,
as well as venture through some of Capital's tallest doors. Yet
it does not serve Panizza to don the Straussian garb when suggesting
that Lula has to teach Brazilians to accept patience as change
concretely bides its time.
Back in Brazil, the mood is ironic, heavy.
Historical repetition of well-packaged capitalism is not what
voters sought with the PT. So far there have been but tawdry
signs of real gestures. In The Guardian, Lula spoke of
the "courage needed to implement an ambitious reform programme".
The population awaits for the Executive to demonstrate it.
Lacking political direction and entertaining
confused social and economic policies is what characterizes the
European Union. Lula has too much work at home to be the European
Court jester --let alone its joker in a power play against Washington.
What can the third way ensure Brazil's President when his peace
and love attitude switches to policies that are fair in love
as in war?
Norman Madarasz,
Ph.D. in French philosophy, teaches and writes on philosophy
and international relations in Rio de Janeiro. He welcomes comments
at nmphdiol2@yahoo.ca
Weekend Edition Features for July 12/13, 2003
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Parable of the Lobbyist
Robert
Sanders
A Review of Ralph Lopez's American Dream
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Basement
Albert, Witherup, Guthrie
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