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November 14, 2007 Cockburn
/ St. Clair November 13, 2007 Alexander
Cockburn Jeffrey
St. Clair Robert
Bryce David
Macaray Mike
Whitney Ralph
Nader Nikolas
Kozloff Jordan
Flaherty B.
R. Gowani Website
of the Day
November 12, 2007 Vicente
Navarro Ben
Brown Omar
K. Sadia
Abbas Farzana
Versey Richard
W. Behan Paul
Krassner Cindy
Sheehan Peter
Stone Brown Dave
Lindorff Website
of the Day
November 10 / 11, 2007 Alain
Gresh Mike
Whitney Ron
Jacobs Jeffrey
St. Clair Alan
Farago Binoy
Kampmark Robert
Fantina Fred
Gardner Ayesha
Ijaz Khan Nicola
Nasser Philip
Rizk Michael
Dickinson Joel
S. Hirschhorn Paul
Krassner Wadner
Pierre /
November 9, 2007 Patrick
Cockburn Mohammed
Hanif John
Ross Mike
Whitney Tom
Barry Corporate
Crime Reporter Badruddin
Khan David
Macaray Martha
Rosenberg Website
of the Day
November 8, 2007 Kathleen
& Bill Christison William
Loren Katz Mike
Whitney Sheldon
Richman Liaquat
Ali Khan Marc
Gardner Jackie
Corr Brenda
Norrell Dave
Lindorff China
Hand Sen.
Russ Feingold Website
of the Day
November 7, 2007 Paul
Craig Roberts Russell
Mokhiber Vijay
Prashad Niranjan
Ramakrishnan Alan
Farago David
Macaray Nikolas
Kozloff Charlotte
Laws Daniel
White William
Cook Website
of the Day
November 6, 2007 Mike
Whitney Ralph
Nader Andy
Worthington Pam
Martens Liaquat
Ali Khan William
Schroder Stephen
Lendman William
Blum Former
US Intelligence Officers
November 5, 2007 Alexander
Cockburn Russell
Mokhiber David
Macaray Gary
Leupp Dave
Lindorff Ludwig
Watzal Patrick
Cockburn Peter
Stone Brown Michael
Simmons Website
of the Day
November 3 / 4, 2007 Tariq
Ali David
Price Jeffrey
St. Clair Alan
Farago Paul
Krassner Rannie
Amiri P.
Sainath Ayesha
Ijaza Khan Robert
Fantina Seth
Sandronsky Ron
Jacobs Ramzy
Baroud Heather
Gray
November 2, 2007 Dr.
Mary Pipher Saul
Landau Andy
Worthington Sharon
Smith Gary
Leupp Gregory
Harms Christopher
Brauchli Peter
Morici Dave
Lindorff David
Penner Website
of the Day
November 1, 2007 Paul
Craig Roberts Patrick
Cockburn Dave
Lindorff Jonathan
Feldman Mike
Ferner William
S. Lind Diana
Johnstone Jacob
Hornberger A..K.
Gupta Lyuba
Zarsky / Felice
Pace Website
of the Day
October 31, 2007 Bill
Quigley Rev.
William E. Alberts Ray
McGovern Eric
Walberg V.
G. Smith Luis
J. Rodriguez Sheldon
Richman Walter
Brasch Website
of the Day
David
Price M.
Shahid Alam Andy
Worthington Patrick
Cockburn Anthony
Papa Floyd
Rudmin Sherwood
Ross Website
of the Day
October 29, 2007 Lisa
Hajjar Joe
DeRaymond Patrick
Cockburn Isabella
Kenfield / Fred
Gardner Farzana
Versey Stephen
Fleischman Marcelle
Cendrars Eamonn
McCann Martha
Rosenberg Website
of the Day
October 27 / 28, 2007 Alexander
Cockburn Jeffrey
St. Clair James
Bovard Ralph
Nader M.
Reza Pirbhai Robert
Sandels Jacob
G. Hornberger Missy
Beattie John
Ross Robert
Fantina Ron
Jacobs Ali
Moayedian David
Michael Green Poets
Basement Website
of the Day
October 26, 2007 Brian
Cloughley Saul
Landau Ahmad
Al-Akras Franklin
Lamb Mike
Whitney Dave
Lindorff Alan
Farago Yifat
Susskind Website
of the Day
Jeffrey
St. Clair / Manuel
Garcia, Jr. Paul
Craig Roberts Col.
Dan Smith Alan
Farago Chris
Kutalik Brian
McKinlay Cindy
Sheehan Website
of the Day
October 24, 2007 Natalie
Washington-Weik Andy
Worthington Michael
Birmingham Corporate
Crime Reporter Tariq
Ali Farzana
Versey Dave
Zirin James
Murren Todd
Chretien Martha
Rosenberg Website
of the Day
October 23, 2007 Ralph
Nader Lawrence
R. Velvel Vijay
Prashad Bonnie
Bricker / Dave
Lindorff Mike
Whitney Farzana
Versey Stanley
Heller / Marcelle
Cendrars Regan
Boychuk Website
of the Day
October 22, 2007 Ishmael
Reed Marjorie
Cohn Rannie
Amiri Diane
Farsetta Todd
Alan Price Robert
Jensen Stephen
Lendman Jemima
Khan Sunsara
Taylor Binoy
Kampmark Website
of the Day
October 20 / 21, 2007 Alexander
Cockburn Tariq
Ali Jeffrey
St. Clair Andy
Worthington Mike
Whitney Daniel
Wolff David
Rosen Saul
Landau Ron
Jacobs Robert
Fantina David
Heleniak Joe
Allen Prairie
Miller Poets'
Basement Website
of the Weekend
October 19, 2007 John
Ross Sheldon
Rampton Rahul
Mahajan Devra
Davis Christopher
Brauchli Wadner
Pierre Bill
Quigley Website
of the Day
October 18, 2007 Saree
Makdisi Meg
Dwyer Alevtina
Rea Norman
Solomon Kristoffer
Larsson Harvey
Wasserman Website
of the Day
October 17, 2007 Steve
Niva Andy
Worthington Alan
Farago Russell
Mokhiber Sharon
Smith Mike
Whitney Robert
Fantina Chris
Irwin Website
of the Day October 16, 2007 Peter
Linebaugh Paul
Findley Robert
Bryce Uri
Avnery Paul
Craig Roberts Ray
McGovern Norman
Solomon Martha
Rosenberg William
S. Lind Joel
S. Hirschborn Website
of the Day
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November 14, 2007 Venezuelan Democracy, the Presidency of Hugo Chavez and the Great Majority of Popular Classes Face a Mortal ThreatVenezuela Between Ballots and BulletsBy JAMES PETRAS Venezuela's democratically elected Present Chavez faces the most serious threat since the April 11, 2002 military coup. Violent street demonstrations by privileged middle and upper middle class university students have led to major street battles in and around the center of Caracas. More seriously, the former Minister of Defense, General Raul Isaias Baduel, who resigned in July, has made explicit calls for a military coup in a November 5 press conference which he convoked exclusively for the right and far-right mass media and political parties, while striking a posture as an 'individual' dissident. The entire international and
local private mass media has played up Baduel's speeches, press
conferences along with fabricated accounts of the oppositionist
student rampages, presenting them as peaceful protests for democratic
rights against the government referendum scheduled for December
2, 2007. Even sectors of the center-left press and parties in Latin America have reproduced right-wing propaganda. On November the self-styled 'leftist' Mexican daily La Jornada headline read 'Administrators and Students from the Central University of Venezuela (UCV) Accuse Chavez of Promoting Violence'. The article then proceeded to repeat the rightist fabrications about electoral polls, which supposedly showed the constitutional amendments facing defeat. The United States Government, both the Republican White House and the Democrat-controlled Congress are once again overtly backing the new attempt to oust the popular-nationalist President Chavez and to defeat the highly progressive constitutional amendments.
The point of confrontation is the forthcoming referendum on constitutional reforms initiated by President Chavez, debated, amended and democratically voted on by the Venezuelan Congress over the past 6 months. There was widespread and open debate and criticism of specific sectors of the Constitution. The private mass media, overwhelmingly viscerally anti-Chavez and pro-White House, unanimously condemned any and all the constitutional amendments. A sector of the leadership of one of the components of the pro-Chavez coalition (PODEMOS) joined the Catholic Church hierarchy, the leading business and cattleman's association, bankers and sectors of the university and student elite to attack the proposed constitutional reforms. Exploiting to the hilt all of Venezuela's democratic freedoms (speech, assembly and press) the opposition has denigrated the referendum as 'authoritarian' even as most sectors of the opposition coalition attempted to arouse the military to intervene. The opposition coalition of
the rich and privileged fear the constitutional reforms because
they will have to grant a greater share of their profits to the
working class, lose their monopoly over market transactions to
publicly owned firms, and see political power evolve toward local
community councils and the executive branch. While the rightist
and liberal media in Venezuela, Europe and the US have fabricated
lurid charges about the 'authoritarian' reforms, in fact the
amendments propose to deepen and extend social democracy. The most important political change is the creation of new locally based democratic forms of political representation in which elected community and communal institutions will be allocated state revenues rather than the corrupt, patronage-infested municipal and state governments. This change toward decentralization will encourage a greater practice of direct democracy in contrast to the oligarchic tendencies embedded in the current centralized representative system. Secondly, contrary to the fabrications of ex-General Baduel, the amendments do not 'destroy the existing constitution', since the amendments modify in greater or lesser degree only 20 per cent of the articles of the constitution (69 out of 350). The amendments providing for unlimited term elections is in line with the practices of many parliamentary systems, as witnessed by the five terms in office of Australian Prime Minister Howard, the half century rule of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party, the four terms of US President Franklin Roosevelt, the multi-term election of Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair in the UK among others. No one ever questions their democratic credentials for multi-term executive office holding, nor should current critics selectively label Chavez as an 'authoritarian' for doing the same. Political change increasing the presidential term of office from 6 to 7 years will neither increase or decrease presidential powers, as the opposition claims, because the separation of legislative, judicial and executive powers will continue and free elections will subject the President to periodic citizen review. The key point of indefinite elections is that they are free elections, subject to voter preference, in which, in the case of Venezuela, the vast majority of the mass media, Catholic hierarchy, US-funded NGO's, big business associations will still wield enormous financial resources to finance opposition activity--hardly an 'authoritarian' context. The amendment allowing the
executive to declare a state of emergency and intervene in the
media in the face of violent activity to overthrow the constitution
is essential for safeguarding democratic institutions. In light
of several authoritarian violent attempts to seize power recently
by the current opposition, the amendment allows dissent but also
allows democracy to defend itself against the enemies of freedom.
In the lead up to the US-backed military coup of April 11, 2002,
and the petroleum lockout by its senior executives which devastated
the economy (a decline of 30% of GNP in 2002/2003), if the Government
had possessed and utilized emergency powers, Congress and the
Judiciary, the electoral process and the living standards of
the Venezuelan people would have been better protected. Most
notably, the Government could have intervened against the mass
media aiding and abetting the violent overthrow of the democratic
process, like any other democratic government. It should be
clear that the amendment allowing for 'emergency powers' has
a specific context and reflects concrete experiences: the current
opposition parties, business federations and church hierarchies
have a violent, anti-democratic history. The destabilization
campaign against the current referendum and the appeals for military
intervention most prominently and explicitly stated by retired
General Baduel (defended by his notorious adviser-apologist,
the academic-adventurer Heinz Dietrich), are a clear indication
that emergency powers are absolutely necessary to send a clear
message that reactionary violence will be met by the full force
of the law. The amendment reducing the workday to 6 hours is vehemently opposed by the opposition led by the big business federation, FEDECAMARAS, but has the overwhelming support of the trade unions and workers from all sectors. It will allow for greater family time, sports, education, skill training, political education and social participation, as well as membership in the newly formed community councils. Related labor legislation and changes in property rights including a greater role for collective ownership will strengthen labor's bargaining power with capital, extending democracy to the workplace. Finally the amendment eliminating so-called 'Central Bank autonomy' means that elected officials responsive to the voters will replace Central Bankers (frequently responsive to private bankers, overseas investors and international financial officials) in deciding public spending and monetary policy. One major consequence will be the reduction of excess reserves in devalued dollar denominated funds and an increase in financing for social and productive activity, a diversity of currency holdings and a reduction in irrational foreign borrowing and indebtedness. The fact of the matter is that the Central Bank was not 'autonomous', it was dependent on what the financial markets demanded, independent of the priorities of elected officials responding to popular needs.
As Venezuela's moves from political to social transformation, from a capitalist welfare state toward democratic socialism, predictable defections and additions occur. As in most other historical experiences of social transformation, sectors of the original government coalition committed to formal institutional political changes defect when the political process moves toward greater egalitarianism and property and a power shift to the populace. Ideologues of the 'Center' regret the 'breaking' of the status quo 'consensus' between oligarchs and people (labeling the new social alignments as 'authoritarian') even as the 'Center' embraces the profoundly anti-democratic Right and appeals for military intervention. A similar process of elite defections and increased mass support is occurring in Venezuela as the referendum, with its clear class choices, comes to the fore. Lacking confidence in their ability to defeat the constitutional amendments through the ballot, fearful of the democratic majority, resentful of the immense popular appeal of the democratically elected President Chavez, the 'Center' has joined the Right in a last ditch effort to unify extra-parliamentary forces to defeat the will of the electorate. Emblematic of the New Right
and the 'Centrist' defections is the ex-Minister of Defense,
Raul Baduel, whose virulent attack on the President, the Congress,
the electoral procedures and the referendum mark him as an aspirant
to head up a US-backed right-wing seizure of power. Within the Chavez government, Baduel represented the anti-communist tendency, which pressed the President to 'reconcile' with the 'moderate democratic' right and big business. Domestically, Baduel opposed the extension of public ownership and internationally favored close collaboration with the far-right Colombian Defense Ministry. Baduel's term of office as Defense Minister reflected his conservative propensities and his lack of competence in matters of security, especially with regard to internal security. He failed to protect Venezuela's frontiers from military incursions by Colombia's armed forces. Worse he failed to challenge Colombia's flagrant violation of international norms with regard to political exiles. While Baduel was Minister of Defense, Venezuelan landlords' armed paramilitary groups assassinated over 150 peasants active in land reform while the National Guard looked the other way. Under Baduel's watch over 120 Colombian paramilitary forces infiltrated the country. The Colombian military frequently crossed the Venezuelan border to attack Colombian refugees. Under Baduel, Venezuelan military officials collaborated in the kidnapping of Rodrigo Granda (a foreign affairs emissary of the FARC) in broad daylight in the center of Caracas. Baduel made no effort to investigate or protest this gross violation of Venezuelan sovereignty, until President Chavez was informed and intervened. Throughout Baduel's term as Minister of Defense he developed strong ties to Colombia's military intelligence (closely monitored by US Defense Intelligence Agency and the CIA) and extradited several guerrillas from both the ELN and the FARC to the hands of Colombian torturers. At the time of his retirement as Minister of Defense, Baduel made a July 2007 speech in which he clearly targeted the leftist and Marxist currents in the trade union (UNT) and Chavez newly announced PSUV (The Unified Socialist Party of Venezuela). His speech, in the name of 'Christian socialist', was in reality a vituperative and ill-tempered anti-communist diatribe, which pleased Pope Benedict (Ratzinger). Baduel's November 5 speech however marks his public adherence to the hard-line opposition, its rhetoric, fabrications and visions of an authoritarian reversal of Chavez program of democratic socialism. First and foremost, Badual, following the lead of the White House and the Venezuelan 'hard right', denounced the entire process of Congressional debate on the Constitutional amendments, and open electoral campaigning leading up to the referendum as 'in effect a coup d'etat'. Every expert and outside observer disagreed--even those opposed to the referendum. Baduel's purpose however was to question the legitimacy of the entire political process in order to justify his call for military intervention. His rhetoric calling the congressional debate and vote a 'fraud' and 'fraudulent procedures' point to Baduel's effort to denigrate existing representative institutions in order to justify a military coup, which would dismantle them. Baduel's denial of political
intent is laughable--since he only invited opposition media and
politicians to his 'press conference' and was accompanied by
several military officials. Baduel resembles the dictator who
accuses the victim of the crimes he is about to commit. In calling
the referendum on constitutional reform a 'coup', he incites
the military to launch a coup. In an open appeal for military
action he directs the military to 'reflect of the context of
constitutional reform.' He repeatedly calls on military officials
to 'assess carefully' the changes the elected government has
proposed 'in a hasty manner and through fraudulent procedures'.
While denigrating democratically elected institutions, Baduel
resorts to vulgar flattery and false modesty to induce the military
to revolt. While immodestly denying that he could act as spokesperson
for the Armed Forces, he advised the rightist reporters present
and potential military cohort that 'you cannot underrate the
capacity of analysis and reasoning of the military.' The class polarization in the
run-up to the referendum has reached its most acute expression:
the remains of the multi-class coalition embracing a minority
of the middle class and the great majority of the working power
is disintegrating. Millions of previously apathetic or apolitical
young workers, unemployed poor and low-income women (domestic
workers, laundresses, single parents) are joining the huge popular
demonstrations overflowing the main avenues and plazas in favor
of the constitutional amendments. At the same time political
defections have increased among the centrist-liberal minority
in the Chavez coalition. Fourteen deputies in the National Assembly,
less than 10 per cent, mostly from PODEMOS, have joined the opposition.
Reliable sources in Venezuela (Axis of Logic/Les Blough Nov.
11, 2007) report that Attorney General Beneral Isaias Rodriguez,
a particularly incompetent crime fighter, and the Comptroller
General Cloudosbaldo Russian are purportedly resigning and joining
the opposition. More seriously, these same reports claim that
the 4th Armed Division in Marcay is loyal to 'Golpista' Raul
Baduel. Some suspect Baduel is using his long-term personal
ties with the current Minister of Defense, Gustavo Briceno Rangel
to convince him to defect and join in the pre-coup preparations.
Large sums of US funding is flowing in to pay off state and
local officials in cash and in promises to share in the oil booty
if Chavez is ousted. The latest US political buy-out includes
Governor Luis Felipe Acosta Carliz from the state of Carabobo.
The mass media have repeatedly featured these new defectors
to the right in their hourly 'news reports' highlighting their
break with Chavez 'coup d'etat'. Venezuelan democracy, the Presidency
of Hugo Chavez and the great majority of the popular classes
face a mortal threat. The US is facing repeated electoral defeats
and is incapable of large-scale external intervention because
of over-extension of its military forces in the Middle East;
it is committed once more to a violent overthrow of Chavez.
Venezuela through the constitutional reforms, will broaden and
deepen popular democratic control over socio-economic policy.
New economic sectors will be nationalized. Greater public investments
and social programs will take off. Venezuela is moving inexorably
toward diversifying its petrol markets, currency reserves and
its political alliances. Time is running out for the White House:
Washington's political levers of influence are weakening. Baduel
is seen as the one best hope of igniting a military seizure,
restoring the oligarchs to power and decimating the mass popular
movements. History has repeatedly taught
that when you put social democracy, egalitarianism and popular
power at the top of the political agenda, as Chavez has done,
and as the vast majority of the populace enthusiastically responds,
the Right, the reactionary military, the 'Centrist' political
defectors and ideologues, the White House, the hysterical middle
classes and the Church cardinals will sacrifice any and all democratic
freedoms to defend their property, privileges and power by whatever
means and at whatever cost necessary. In the current all-pervasive
confrontation between the popular classes of Venezuela and their
oligarchic and military enemies, only by morally, politically
and organizationally arming the people can the continuity of
the democratic process of social transformation be guaranteed. James Petras, a former Professor of Sociology at
Binghamton University, New York, owns a 50 year membership in
the class struggle, is an adviser to the landless and jobless
in brazil and argentina and is co-author of Globalization
Unmasked (Zed). His new book with Henry Veltmeyer, Social
Movements and the State: Brazil, Ecuador, Bolivia and Argentina,
will be published in October 2005. He can be reached at: jpetras@binghamton.edu Contains the Explosive Investigation That Rocked the Pentagon! General Petraeus's Counterinsurgency Manual Anthropologist DAVID PRICE exposes how the fabled Counterinsurgency Manual contains a chapter filled with "borrowed" quotations. Price reveals the crucial role in the debacle played by anthropologist Montgomery McFate. The University of Chicago Press is badly compromised. And much more. Get your copy today by subscribing online or calling 1-800-840-3683 Remember contributions to CounterPunch are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now 
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