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Today's Stories December 1, 2008 Patrick Cockburn November 28-30, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Mike Whitney Ted Honderich Tom Kerr Mike Ely David Yearsley Deepak Tripathi Sonja Karkar Ramzy Baroud Robert Weitzel Robert Roth Carlos Fierro David Macaray David Rosen James Cockcroft Stan Cox Steve Conn Stephen Martin Richard Rhames Kim Nicolini Lorenzo Wolff Poets' Basement November 27, 2008 Tariq Ali Steve Hendricks Ralph Nader John Walsh Dave Lindorff Christopher Brauchli Matthew Koehler Website of the Day
November 26, 2008 Michael Hudson Alan Farago Stanley Heller Kevin Zeese Steve Conn Ray McGovern Ron Jacobs Eric Walberg Martha Rosenberg Matt Siegfried Website of the Day
November 25, 2008 James Abourezk Ralph Nader Patrick Irelan John Ross Fred Gardner Dan LaBotz Tom Barry Norman Solomon Richard Morse Chris Strohm Website of the Day November 24, 2008 Mike Whitney Pam Martens Laray Polk David Ker Thomson Uri Avnery Joe Mowrey Ramzi Kysia Kevin Zeese Dave Lindorff David Macaray Howard Lisnoff Website of the Day November 21 / 23, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Michael Hudson Mike Whitney Barbara Rose Johnston / Serge Halimi Alan Farago Ralph Nader Saul Landau Robert Bryce Shannon May Binoy Kampmark Jack Ely Ramzy Baroud Missy Beattie Larry Portis James McEnteer Christopher Brauchli David Yearsley Adam Engel Ron Jacobs Lorenzo Wolff Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend November 20, 2008 P. Sainath Brian McKenna Paul Craig Roberts Andy Worthington Peter Lee Dr. Eyad al-Serraj Sen. Russ Feingold Lance Selfa Ray McGovern Benjamin G. Davis Tracy McLellan Website of the Day November 19, 2008 M. Shahid Alam Mario A. Murillo Martine Boulard Robin D. G. Kelley Behrooz Ghamari-Tabrizi Jonathan Cook Steve Conn George Wuerthner Michael Winship Stephen Martin Website of the Day November 18, 2008 Chellis Glendinning George C. Wilson Franklin Lamb Bill and Kathleen Christison Roger Burbach John Ross Wajahat Ali Damien Millet / Marc Gardner Eric Walberg Wendy Williams Website of the Day November 17, 2008 Michael Hudson Paul Craig Roberts Mike Whitney Steve Conn Andy Worthington Jonathan Cook Rannie Amiri David Macaray David Michael Green Charles Modiano Website of the Day November 14 / 16, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Jeffrey St. Clair Mike Whitney Sasan Fayazmanesh Moshe Adler Anthony DiMaggio Jean Bricmont Sheldon Rampton Douglas Valentine Joseph Nevins / Tom Barry Ron Jacobs Larry Portis Mary Lynn Cramer Obama's Brain Trust: Seems Like Old Times Sherry Wolf Peter Cervantes-Gautschi Jacob Hornberger Lance Selfa Benjamin Dangl Seth Sandronsky Russell Mokhiber Allan Stellar Kelly Overton Martha Rosenberg Richard Rhames David Yearsley Lorenzo Wolff Poets' Basement Website of the Weekend
November 13, 2008 Pam Martens Vijay Prashad Patrick Cockburn Jonathan Cook Ralph Nader Bill Quigley Lee Sustar Omar Barghouti Steve Conn Howard Lisnoff Jeff Cohen Website of the Day November 12, 2008 Johanna Berrigan Steve Conn Patrick Bond Bokar Ture / Alan Farago Dave Lindorff Karl Grossman David Macaray George Wuerthner Susie Day Website of the Day
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December 1, 2008 The Meltdown and the Complicit PressThe Unlikely Martyrdom of Free Market JihadBy P. SAINATH
When words like these appear in a bastion of United States conservative thought, you know something is on. More so when The American Conservative graces that article with this blurb about rescuing the U.S. economy: "Goldman Sachs alums aren't the men for the job." The piece by Eamonn Fingleton goes on to say why: "Both Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson and his key adviser Neel Kashkari, formerly held top jobs at Goldman Sachs, and it seems clear that their highly controversial and, to economic historians, bafflingly unorthodox bailout plan serves Wall Street's interests — particularly those of their former employer — far more than the American public's." There's a start, with the recognition that Wall Street and corporate interest (and even "leaving it to the market") can be very different from public interest. The first part of October, said the New York Times, "represents the most sweeping government moves into the nation's financial markets since The Great depression and perhaps ever, according to economists and finance experts." That month saw government after government sworn to 'free markets' and deregulation announced they were acquiring ownership stakes in banks and declared they would prop up dying private institutions with billions in public funds, and guarantee bank debt. Whether in Britain, Germany, France, Italy, Spain or the United States, massive state intervention is the order of the day. Across the world, governments are in one way or the other in profoundly interventionist mode. How profound? Estimates by the United Nations and like bodies suggest that with $60-80 billion a year additional spending, major issues in education, water, sanitation, or health could be well addressed worldwide. Governments have long pleaded that this money simply didn't exist. Yet, a handful of them discovered they could find over a trillion dollars to bail out mostly private corporations. In its amazing fervor for privatization, India's post-1991 elite never once admits why quite a few industries had been nationalized in the first place. Their private owners had run them into the ground — with huge amounts of public money. As one top official put it at the time: the sicker the industries get, the healthier the owners get. That's when governments stepped in to save thousands of jobs. Once nationalized, these looted, "sick units" were quickly dubbed as symbols of "public sector inefficiency." Now it's happening across the world. In the United States, too, the public will pay the bills of the decades-long frenzy at the corporate feeding trough. But here, the bailout cannot be called nationalization, though often, that is what it is about or could well be about. That would be "communistic." In some cases, companies are being bailed with amounts of public funds greater than their current market value. (The $25 billion bailout the auto makers seek is worth even more than that of Citigroup — till late the 800-pound gorilla of American finance.) The right wing slogan of "not with my tax dollars" now chokes its authors. Investors and shareholders were, on the one hand, sacred (or supposed to be) in corporate theology. In the larger economy, on the other, you had to cut any public spending you could. Now, when you're spending billions of public tax dollars on these behemoths — shouldn't that make the public their owners? Their main shareholder? Till now, there is not even a semblance of accountability to the public on the billions so far doled out to the oligarchs. Market fundamentalism is in bad shape. Shrine attendance has fallen. Its televangelists are subdued, their psalm book is lost and the singers have laryngitis. Market jihadis scour other subjects to crusade about. Remember the editorials urging India’s governing coalition after the Left's walkout to "push ahead with financial liberalisation" since "the cancer" was gone? There’s no official recanting — but a more subdued mood for sure. The government itself takes credit for "insulating the economy" against the global meltdown. In short: credit for non-liberalization. That the insulation arose from the restraint imposed on it by the Left and public opinion is hotly denied. In the U.S., words are now being bandied that were unheard on air in decades. 'Socialism for the rich.' 'Deficiencies of the Free Market.' This shift is more important than it seems. For three decades, markets were raised from a tool — one amongst many — to being a tyranny. There was nothing 'The Market' could not solve. Thomas Frank summed up the mindset very sharply in his book One Market Under God. "Markets enjoyed some mystic organic connection to the people, while governments were fundamentally illegitimate … markets expressed the popular will more articulately and meaningfully than did mere elections … markets are where we are most fully human; markets are where we show that we have a soul." The market was not merely inseparable from democracy. It was democracy. In India, as late as this June during the food price crisis, there were ideologues who saw hunger as essentially a function of anti-market systems. (One editorial argued that if the markets were allowed to do their job, food would rush to the places where demand was highest.) What about health, education or agriculture? Just leave it all to The Market. Of course, The American Conservative does not take an anti-market position. Nor does it plead for intervention as a rule, even in vital sectors. It singles out finance as unique. "Finance simply cannot be left to its own notoriously conflicted devices," it declares. It then calls for the regulation of that sector, quoting from Market Fundamentalist scripture to show that such exemptions were implicit in the words or silence of True Prophets such as Milton Friedman. This is one of the more thoughtful journals of its spectrum. Market Jihad is mortal, martyred but not dead. It has merely gone underground, or is catching its breath. The meltdown has devastated its storm troopers. The IMF soldiers on bravely, though, presenting an ideological volte face as business as usual. As Professor Jayati Ghosh points out, its prescriptions for rich countries in crisis contradict its fatwas for developing ones. When in financial crisis, the latter have to cut spending, reduce their deficits (and turn them into surpluses — no matter how painful it is to their poor.) But rich countries, says the IMF — like the U.S. which brought on this crisis — can provide 'financial stimulus' to their economies, and support economic activity, even if they run up large deficits. In short, they are exempt from the rules. But then we know which of these worlds the IMF represents. As Prof. Ghosh points out: "The tiny countries of Belgium, Netherlands and Luxembourg, with a total population of less than 28 million, have more votes in the IMF than China, Brazil or India." But while on the meltdown, consider one sector that has not had the scrutiny it deserves. The media — particularly financial journalism. Still each night and day we suffer the same "experts" who know exactly what went wrong. Precisely how to save your money (a bit hard if that money is already gone). Sure, there have been some fine stories on the stable after the horses have bolted. Not a word of introspection. How could this expensive edifice of financial journalism fail its audiences across the world at every critical stage? Remember Enron? Or a dozen other episodes where their 'expertise' ought to have kicked in and saved millions from being cheated of billions? Far more alarms have been rung by government officials and regulators than by a completely corporate-captive media. But they are never called to account. Not even those who dismissed talk of a housing bubble only months ago. Or who just a month before the meltdown assured the world that no 1980s-type crisis was to be expected! Market jihad may have lost its best shock troops. But its propaganda pundits are still around. P. Sainath is the rural affairs editor of The Hindu, where this piece appears, and is the author of Everybody Loves a Good Drought. This fall he is giving a course at UC Berkeley. He can be reached at: psainath@vsnl.com.
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