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Today's Stories March 26, 2008 Sharon Smith March 25, 2008 Ishmael Reed Corey D. B.
Walker Linn Washington Jr. Alan Farago Vijay Prashad Joshua Frank Ralph Nader David Rovics Peter Morici Dave Zirin David Krieger Website of
the Day March 24, 2008 Jeffrey St.
Clair Peter Morici Uri Avnery Wajahat Ali Paul Craig Roberts George Ciccariello-Maher Stephen Lendman Christopher
Brauchli Cat Woods Stacey Warde Dave Lindorff Website of
the Day
March 22 / 23, 2008 Ralph Nader Nicole Colson James Petras Laura Carlsen Greg Moses Andy Worthington Michael Dickinson John Ross Missy Comley Beattie David Michael
Green Ramzy Baroud Martha Rosenberg Paul Watson Isabella Kenfield James Murren Jacob Hornberger Kathlyn Stone Seth Sandronsky Kim Nicolini Jeffrey St.
Clair Poets' Basement Website of
the Weekend
March 21, 2008 Marleen Martin Peter Montague Saul Landau Anis Hamadeh Jacob Hornberger Khalil Nakhleh Adam Isacson Kenneth Couesbouc Madis Senner Monica Benderman Website of the Day March 20, 2008 Damien Millet
/ Mike Whitney John Ross Dave Lindorff Wajahat Ali Jill Nagle Manuel Garcia, Jr. Dan La Botz Robert Weissman Stella Dallas
/ Website of the Day
March 19, 2008 Patrick Cockburn Robert Fisk Jeff Taylor Ed Ruggero Ron Jacobs Christopher
Fons Sherwood Ross Cynthia McKinney Joshua Frank Robert Weissman Walter Brasch Yifat Susskind Andrew Wimmer Website of
the Day
March 18, 2008 David Price Paul Craig
Roberts Tim Wise Patrick Cockburn Conn Hallinan James T. Phillips Uri Avnery David Macaray Marjorie Cohn Peter Zinn Dan La Botz Monica Benderman
March 17, 2008 Pam Martens Sasan Fayazmanesh Nelson P. Valdés Peter Morici Wajahat Ali Ronnie Cummins Shaun Harkin Ali Khan Robert Jensen P. Sainath Greg Moses Dr. Susan Block Website of the Day
March 15 / 16, 2008 Patrick Cockburn Mike Whitney Ralph Nader Robert Pollin Diane Christian Wajahat Ali Tom Wright
/ Alan Farago Greg Moses Michael Hudson Martha Rosenberg John Goekler Uzma Aslam
Khan Oren Ben-Dor David Underhill Fred Gardner David Michael
Green Rev. William E. Alberts Gail Dines David Yearsley Chris Clarke Poets' Basement Website of
the Day
March 14, 2008 Paul Craig
Roberts Don Santina
Patrick Cockburn
Tim Rinne Robert Fantina
Saul Landau
David Macaray
Franklin Lamb
Michael Neumann
March 13, 2008 Paul Craig
Roberts Mike Whitney
Assaf Kfoury
Andy Worthington Adam Federman
March 12, 2008 Dave Lindorff
R.F. Blader
Yonatan Mendel
Jonathan Cook
Bill and Kathy
Christison James J. Brittain
Ron Jacobs
March 11, 2008 Paul Craig
Roberts Ed O'Loughlin
Ramzy Baroud Kathy Christison
China Hand John Joslin
Mike Averko
Ben Rosenfeld
Thierry Paquot
March 10, 2008 Uri Avnery
Col. Dan Smith
R.F. Blader
Michael Neumann
Bob Fitrakis
and Harvey Wasserman James J. Brittain
Missy Comley
Beattie March 8-9, 2008 Weekend Edition JoAnn Wypijewski
Mike Whitney
Peter Morici
Ralph Nader
Jonathan Cook
Steve Niva
Bill and Kathy
Christison Hervé
Do Alto and Franck Poupeau Eric Walberg
Scott Johnson
Mark Scaramella
Bill Clinton Poet's Basement
Website of
the Weekend March 7, 2008 Patrick Cockburn
Robin Blackburn
Saul Landau
Binoy Kampmark
Chris Floyd
Andy Worthington Will Potter March 6, 2008
March 6, 2008 Vincent Navarro Forrest Hylton Peter Morici George Ciccariello-Maher John Ross Jacob Hornberger Paul Watson Dan Bacher Website of the Day
March 5, 2008 Cockburn /
St. Clair Joanne Mariner Fidel Castro Christopher
Brauchli Steven Sherman Dave Lindorff James Murren Adam Engel Website of Day
March 4, 2008 Wajahat Ali William Blum Bill Quigley Ralph Nader Patrick Irelan James J. Brittain
/ Norman Solomon Jacob Hornberger Andy Worthington Mike Averko Website of the Day
March 3, 2008 Jennifer Loewenstein Alan Farago Richard Gott Wajahat Ali Paul Craig Roberts Robert Weissman Uri Avnery Martha Rosenberg Eva Liddell Michael Donnelly Website of the Day
March 1 / 2, 2008 Alexander Cockburn Paul Craig
Roberts Kathleen and Bill Christison Nelson P. Valdés Christopher Brauchli Ron Jacobs John Ross Robert Fantina Robert Weissman Mohammed Omer Remi Kanazi Bob Jackson Richard Rhames Franklin Lamb Rannie Amiri David Michael
Green Conn Hallinan Faheem Hussain Poets' Basement Website of
the Weekend
February 29, 2008 Matt Gonzalez Jonathan Cook Joshua Frank Anthony DiMaggio Linn Washington, Jr. Binoy Kampmark Robert Bryce Sonja Karkar Dave Lindorff Website of
the Day
February 28, 2008 Patrick Cockburn Fred Gardner Michael Levitin William S.
Lind David Macaray Stephen Fleischman George Wuerthner Laura Carlsen Carl Finamore Michael Dickinson Website of the Day
February 27, 2008 David Rosen Vijay Prashad Harvey Wasserman Andy Worthington Wajahat Ali Peter Morici Stephen Philion Michael Donnelly Erica Rosenberg / Website of
the Day
February 26, 2008 Debbie Nathan Alan Dershowitz
Harvey Wasserman Michael Colby Gary Leupp David Orchard Martha Rosenberg Fran Shor Serge Halimi Global Balkans Website of
the Day
February 25, 2008 Roger Morris Anthony DiMaggio Ralph Nader Patrick Cockburn Paul Craig Roberts Peter Morici Dave Lindorff Saul Landau
/ Heather Gray Robert Weitzel John Halle Website of the Day
Alexander Cockburn Paul Craig
Roberts Wajahat Ali Ralph Nader Jürgen
Vsych Fidel Castro Andy Worthington David Macaray Jeremy Scahill David Krieger Ron Jacobs Michael Garrity Brian McKenna Missy Beattie Fred Gardner Boris Kagarlitsky Mike Ferner Dan Bacher Christopher
Ketcham Poets' Basement Website of
the Weekend
February 22, 2008 Mike Whitney Jason Hribal Liaquat Ali Khan Joshua Frank Dave Lindorff Liliana Segura Robert Fantina Yifat Susskind Norm Kent Website of
the Day February 21, 2008 Saul Landau Elizabeth Schulte Helen Redmond Benjamin Dangl Michael Levitin Liam Leonard Patrick Irelan Linn Cohen-Cole Michael Simmons CounterPunch
News Service Website of the Day
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March 26, 2008 Clinton and Obama in Anthropological PerspectiveWhy Race and Gender are Separate IssuesBy JUSTIN E. H. SMITH Will there be no end to this tiresome "national conversation" as to whether a black man trumps a white woman, or vice versa, on our nation's list of the wronged? One possible end might arrive, of course, when another white man is elected in November and American politics returns to business as usual. In the meantime, I would like to join the conversation, if only in order to bring to light the inanity of the relevant comparison, based as it is on a presumption of analogy between two social groups that are distinguished, conceptually and in reality, from the dominant group for entirely different reasons: in the one case, the distinction is based on a relatively short, 500-year history of economic subordination; in the other, it is a consequence of an evidently universal structural feature of human societies. A few disclaimers. First, disciples
of the Robin Morgan-school of feminism will probably fail to
appreciate that the disanalogy between race and gender may be
acknowledged without abandoning one's feminist principles, even
if these principles inform a feminism of a very different stripe:
one that does not seek to justify masculine domination on normative
grounds, but that nonetheless is genuinely concerned to take
it seriously as a deep-rooted, rather than recent and superficial,
phenomenon. Second, I confess I will be doing what, at least
since Simone de Beauvoir, we have been told we must never do:
conflating sex and gender. Of course, "male" and "female"
are not just biological categories. They are also social categories,
and they have vastly different connotations from culture to culture. They
do not always correspond to the biological categories they are
presumed to denote. Thus among the Inuit, social gender is determined
by the soul-name one is given at birth, depending on which ancestor
one is perceived to reincarnate. It is not determined by the
particular set of genitals one has. Yet "male"
and "female" continue to divide up the world dualistically,
for the Inuit as for everyone else, and it stands to reason that
they would not be doing this if human beings reproduced asexually,
through parthenogenesis, from a single and universal variety
of sexless human body. I will not attempt to speculate here as to how exactly the biological differences between the sexes listed above translate into masculine domination. Françoise Heritier proposes that it is not that body mass, the cycle of gestation, etc., render the woman weaker and thus prone to subjugation by masculine force, but rather that the exclusive possession of the childbearing capacity by women makes men, everywhere, and everywhere unconsciously, jealous. Witness for example the practice of couvade, widespread in African societies, in which a husband will simulate labor pains alongside his wife's very real ones, and will expect that his community give him as much sympathy and attention as the actual childbearer gets. This jealousy ensures that men will seek to control the process of childbearing as much as possible by regulating their society's kinship system, which is to say by exercising exclusive authority over who can have sex with whom, when, where, and how. Domestic violence, the virgin/whore complex, the glass ceiling, etc., all flow in turn from this control. I neither confirm nor deny this account, but only acknowledge that, in spite of myths of Amazons and feminist hopes for the discovery of true matriarchies (as opposed to systems of matrilineal descent, in which it is anyway not mothers but uncles who call the shots), the ethnographic data show consistently that biological sex difference somehow translates into masculine social domination. Anyone who does not take these data seriously is being willfully naive, and certainly is not helping to advance the cause of gender equality. "Black" and "white" are categories that have come to appear as real as a result of a particular, very short 500-year history of economically driven stratification of social classes that happen (sometimes) to have different skin pigmentation. (I say sometimes because I can't help but notice that with a good tan I get darker than Thurgood Marshall ever was, and thus if skin tone were all that were at issue, I would be among the victims of the racialized class system in America, rather than among those who benefit.) "Male" and "female" are categories that have come not just to appear but to be real as a result of the emergence of sexual dimorphism several million years ago, a development useful for maximizing variability of traits in a population through obligatory exchange of genetic material. Now, in a decent, liberal society, the difference between men and women will not constitute an obstacle to the pursuit of whatever sort of life any man or woman in that society would like to create for her- or himself. Yet much more strongly, in that very same society, there will simply be no talk of difference between blacks and whites at all, because, again, there is no difference. If I may venture an audacious comparison, a horse breeder could choose not to pay attention to which of her mares and stallions are piebald, which are chestnut, etc. She could not however afford to ignore which of her horses are stallions and which are mares. Human society is of course much more complicated than a horse farm (or at least we may suppose it is here in order not to get sidetracked), yet both are structured by sexual difference, and color patterns are objectively as trivial in the one as in the other. Again, emphatically, none of this is to say that a woman would not make a good president, but only that the prospects for deep social change that a woman's presidency might bring about are rather more slight than what we might see in America with a black president. Indeed, Hillary Clinton's presidency would be not so much an advancement of the cause of women as a perpetuation of the troglodytic logic of dynastic rule. Masculine domination is not a local, American problem, but the original sin of our particular primate lineage, and one that will not be atoned for in the slightest by the nepotistic, Bhutto-style appointment of Bill Clinton's wife and proxy. I fail equally to see any signs of the true advancement of women in the leadership of Benazir, Megawati, and other borderline crime-family matriarchs, whose power always flows from the legacy of a man who came before them and who lurks, alive or dead, behind the scenes. Hillary Clinton's rise to power would call these grandes dames to mind much sooner than the leadership of a dull and modest and self-made politician such as Angela Merkel or Michelle Bachelet. Indeed, a second Clinton presidency would be a classic case of a particular big man's tenacious grip on power, a grip so tight that he manages to circumvent annoying rules like term limits by symbolically transferring the power to a close clan member. Anthropologically, a Clinton victory would be a near perfect echo of the victory of Bush fils in 2000, except that the absence of the Oedipal element that makes primogeniture a risky method of maintaining power would likely ensure even greater uniformity of policy between the two Clinton eras. For a long time I insisted on pointing out to all who would listen, enemy of racial essentialism that I am, that Obama is not, ethnically, an "African-American," in the sense of this term Jesse Jackson had in mind when he coined it. This term is meant to designate the descendants of slaves from West Africa, who developed over the centuries a New World hybrid culture with a distinctive English dialect, distinctive recipes, music, religion, etc. Obama is in contrast a Kenyan-American, among other things, and thus from a part of Africa that never provided slaves to America, and that is as culturally different and geographical far from Ghana as Ghana is from Portugal. But then it dawned on me that Obama's ability to assume the same "racial" (which is to say ethnic) identity as Jesse Jackson or Frederick Douglass, in fact serves to strengthen my point about the malleability of our ethnic categories. If a Kenyan-American may be subsumed into an ethnic community of descendants of West Africans, then in principle any adoptive ethnic affiliation is possible. It is only harder for me (an Anglo-American) to publicly express the same elective affinity because Americans continue to believe in the pseudoscience of race as a reality that runs deeper than ethnic identity. It would in any case be quite a bit harder for me to, say, choose to run as a woman for public office as a result of elective affinity, and it would do nothing to legitimate this choice if I were to point out that one of my two parents is a woman. Having a black father makes Obama 50% black (and thus, by America's racist calculations, 100% black), whereas having a female mother does not make me any more a woman. This point is so obvious it's unlikely that anyone has ever bothered to make it before, but it is crucial for driving home the disanalogy. Women live in the same homes as men, and give birth to both boys and girls. Women have the same class-based interests to protect --their homes, their children's futures-- as the men with whom they share their class identity and their antagonism towards the men and women on the other side of the tracks. Blacks and whites, in contrast, not only do not live in the same homes, but rarely even in the same neighborhoods, and where they do it is a tense coexistence. The success of one group's children is, as Obama pointed out in his Philadelphia speech, generally perceived as a zero-sum game that depends upon the failure of the other group's children. I could go on and on, describing other points of disanalogy between race and gender, but I hope it's clear by now. Eventually, in a post-racial America, an American's Kenyan descent will no longer appear as a sufficient reason to group that person with Ghanaian-Americans, again, any more than the Ghanaian-Americans would be grouped with the descendants of the Portuguese. But again, for now, "race" is conflated with ethnicity, and it is enough for Obama to emerge as an "African-American" leader that symbolically he appears as one of the people who belong to the social class in America that continues to suffer from gross inequality as a result of the legacy of slavery. America needs such a leader as a crucial step in overcoming the legacy of slavery, which Obama has rightly described as its specific "original sin." As Hillary Clinton herself rightly pointed out, Martin Luther King's grass-roots leadership was only able to change American society at an official and legal level as a result of Lyndon Johnson's deigning to legitimate it. The racial divide in America can never be bridged by community efforts, and occasional white gestures of conciliation, alone. It will be bridged, maybe, when the descendants of the slaves have full and direct access to the apparatus of power. If a Kenyan-American can stand in as a member of this group, for now, as a first step, this is surely a step in the right direction. A post-gender America, in contrast, is a science-fiction biotech utopia that I hope I won't live to see. I'll repeat one last time that this does not mean that a woman president would not be a good thing, but only that she would do nothing to remedy our distinctly American original sin. Given the racially charged dirty campaigning we've seen from the Clintons so far, it is safe to say that if that particular woman president turns out to be Hillary Clinton, the fallout of this original sin will get worse before it gets better. Justin Smith teaches philosophy in Canada. He can
be reached at: jehsmith@gmail.com
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